Race Psychology: Standpoint and Questionnaire, with Particular Reference to the Immigrant and the Negro

§ I. Problem and method. -- a) The question of mental capacity from the standpoint of race has become of particular interest for America on account of the immigration situation and the presence of the Negro. In this connection it becomes important to determine how a race rises from one level of culture to another, whether by internal stimulation and native ability, or by accepting and imitating the culture of the higher level of society; and more particularly, which races are fit to progress and which are not, and why.

b) I have in mind also the study of the backwardness and forwardness of different social groups in the same community and of the same racial composition.- Every community contains different levels of population regardless of race, and in the large cities the cultural intervals are perhaps as wide as those we are accustomed to think of as characteristic of race. Indeed, backwardness on account of race cannot properly be estimated apart from backwardness within the race.

The following plan for viewing and collecting materials is one which I have been using in connection with some investigations among the peasants of Europe and among the Negroes, and I present it, not as a contribution to theory, but as a tool. It is

(726) apparent that a number of persons, many of them not students by profession, are in a position to make valuable records on these questions and that they could make use of a scheme containing some formulation of of standpoint and suggestions for the the selection and arrangement of materials.

I think the field-worker needs and will appreciate some presentation of the "state of knowledge" in the field of racial and social psychology, and I have attempted to provide this. The schedule is also "illustrated" with examples from various sources. It is not to be expected that the investigator will attempt in all cases to parallel these illustrations. They are merely samples of the material which may be assembled under given headings.

The references to sources are frequently not to the exact page, but to a chapter or longer passage containing the quotation and its context. The term "race" is not always used in an exact sense. It is now recognized that there are no pure races in Europe.

§2. General standpoint. -- a) Without ignoring economic determinism or denying the importance of specific race characters, I have assumed that individual variation is of more importance than racial difference, and that the main factors in social change are attention, interest, stimulation, imitation, occupational differentiation, mental attitude, and accessibility to opportunity and copies. In other words, I have emphasized the social rather than the biological and economic aspects of the problem.

b) There are two possible explanations of the different manifestations of the mind of man. It may be that the minds of different races show differences of organization; that is to say, the laws of mental activity may not be the same for all minds. But it may also be that the organization of mind is practically identical among all races of man; that mental activity follows the same laws everywhere, but that its manifestations depend upon the character of individual experience that is subjected to the action of these laws . . . . It would seem that, in different races, the organization of the mind is on the whole alike, and that the varieties of mind found in different races do not exceed, perhaps do not even reach, the amount of normal individual variation in each race. It has been indicated that, notwithstanding this similarity in the form of individual mental processes, the expression of mental activity of a community tends to show a characteristic historical development. From a comparative study of these changes among the races of man is derived our theory of the general development of human culture. But the development of culture must not be

(727) confounded with the development of mind. Culture is an expression of the achievements of the mind, and shows the cumulative effects of the activities of many minds. But it is not an expression of the organization of the minds constituting the community, which may in no way differ from the minds of a community occupying a much more advanced stage of culture.[1]

c) The division of mankind into active and passive races is an old one. Since then an attempt was made to put "twilight" races between the "day" races and the "night" races, and the Japanese were included in this group of "Dammerungs-Menschen" -the Japanese, who are now in the van of human civilization in Asia, and who have, perhaps, saved the mental freedom of Europe at Tshushima and on the battle-fields of Manchuria.[2]

§3. Mental faculties. -- a) Present-day anthropology does not pretend that any of the characteristic mental powers, such as memory, inhibition, abstraction, logical ability, are feeble or lacking in any race.

b) While the power of perception of primitive man is excellent, it would seem that his power of logical interpretation of perceptions is deficient. I think it can be shown that the reason for this fact is not founded on any fundamental peculiarity of the mind of primitive man, but lies, rather, in the character of the ideas with which the new perception associates itself. In our own community a mass of observations and of thoughts is transmitted to the child. These thoughts are the result of careful observation and speculation of our present and of past generations; but they are transmitted to most individuals as traditional matter, much the same as folk-lore. The child associates new perceptions with this whole mass of traditional material, and interprets his observations by its means. I believe it is a mistake to assume that the interpretation made by each civilized individual is a complete logical process. We associate a phenomenon with a number of known facts, the interpretations of which are assumed as known, and we are satisfied with the reduction of a new fact to these previously known facts. For instance, if the average individual hears of the explosion of a previously unknown chemical, he is satisfied to reason that certain materials are known to have the property of exploding under proper conditions, and that consequently the unknown substance has the same quality. On the whole, I do not think that we should try to argue still further and really try to give a full explanation of the causes of the explosion.

The difference in the mode of thought of primitive man and of civilized man seems to consist largely in the difference of character of the traditional material with which the new perception associates itself. The instruction given to the

(278) child of primitive man is not based on centuries of experimentation, but consists of the crude experience of generations. When a new experience enters the mind of primitive man, the same process which we observe among civilized man brings about an entirely different series of associations, and therefore results in a different type of explanation. A sudden explosion will associate itself in his mind, perhaps, with a tale which he has heard in regard to the mythical history of the world, and consequently will be accompanied by superstitious fear. When we recognize that, neither among civilized men nor among primitive men, the average individual carries to completion the attempt at causal explanation of phenomena, but carries it only so far as to amalgamate it with other previously known facts, we recognize that the result of the whole process depends entirely upon the character of the traditional material: herein lies the immense importance of folk-lore in determining the mode of thought. Herein lies particularly the enormous influence of current philosophic opinion upon the masses of the people, and herein lies the influence of the dominant scientific theory upon the character of scientific work.[3]

c) When Professor Tarde makes the following statement, Americans at once understand that he is "misinformed," that his "traditional materials" are defective, and do not discredit the general character of his mind. But if the writer were, say, a Negro, and if his information and consequently his logical processes were habitually and grossly defective, we might fall into the error of attributing this to the racial quality of his mind:

From one end to the other of the United States, from top to bottom, throughout all classes, even among good-looking women (and there is certainly no more striking example of the power of imitation than this) we find the repugnant habit of tobacco- chewing -- a fact that explains the universal presence of the spittoon, the most indispensable piece of furniture in America.[4]

d) Even the grossest superstitions of the savage often show a careful and consistent logical process based on premises which we reject:

Whenever an enemy who has acted bravely is killed, his liver, which is considered the seat of valor; his ears, which are considered the seat of intelligence; the skin of his forehead, which is the seat of perseverance; his testicles, which are the seat of strength, and other members, each of which is supposed to contain some virtue, are cut from the body and baked to cinders. The ashes are carefully preserved in the horn of a bull, and being, when required, mixed with other ingredients into a kind of paste are administered to the youths

(729)by the tribal priest as a kind of bolus. By this means, the strength, valor, and intelligence of the slain are imparted to him.[5]

The hunter is believed to be able to propitiate and control to a certain extent the shades of sea animals which he kills by keeping them with their bladders and, after the ceremonies and of offerings described in the bladder feast, dismissing them back to the sea to re-enter other animals of their kind and so return, that he may be able to kill them again. In this way the hunter is believed to be able to procure more game than would be possible were he to allow the shades of the animals killed to go to the land of the dead or to wander freely. [Fragments are usually cut from each fur or animal sold and kept.] In retaining these pieces it is believed that the possessor keeps the essential essence or spirit of the entire article, and is thus certain to become possessed through its agency of another of the same kind. Should he neglect to do this in any of the foregoing cases the objects disposed of would be gone forever, and although he might get articles of the same kind, he would obtain fewer than if he had kept the fragment. [6]

The Eskimo believe that persons dealing in witchcraft have the power of stealing a person's inna or shade, so that it will cause him to pine away and die. .... when I was focusing the instrument [a camera] the headman of the village came up and insisted on looking under the cloth. When I permitted him to do this he gazed intently for a moment at the moving figures on the ground glass and then suddenly withdrew his head and shouted at the top of his voice to the surrounding people, "He has all of your shades in this box," whereupon a panic ensued among the group and in an instant they disappeared in their houses.[7]

e) The development of abstract thinking and logical procedure are closely connected with habits of discussion:

No process is more recurrent in history than the transfer of operations first carried on between different persons, into the arena of the individual's own consciousness. The discussions which at first took place by bringing ideas from different persons info contact, by introducing them into the forum of competition and by subjecting them to critical comparison and selective decision finally became a habit of the individual with himself. He became a miniature assemblage, in which pros and cons were brought into play struggling for the mastery -- for final conclusion. In some such way we conceive reflection to be born.[8]

(730)

f) But the technique of thinking in the cases of the educated white has been profoundly influenced by the art of printing. This not only multiplies his "records" a thousand fold, but substitutes a group of specialists for the primitive promiscuous assembly' and this new world of witnesses in turn criticizes and dissents through the medium of the printed page. In this way standards of thinking have become severe and special, and these standards are shared to some extent by the masses. Moreover interests are thus developed in special questions strange to the lower races and the peasant. Travelers report that the savage thinks and argues well within the fields familiar to him but that when questioned about his names for "light," "truth," "number," and other abstractions he complains of a headache or falls asleep - much as we should do if "cornered " by a specialist in physics or mathematics.

g) One source of our condemnation of the mind of non-white groups is the defective nature of our own thinking. Our education for white children in the past was atrocious, and when we transferred this, including English syntax and sometimes even the dead languages, to the lower races we got results logically to be anticipated.

The harm is that you manufacture idiots. Some of the peasantry are taught to read and write, and the result of this burden, which their fathers bore not, is that they become fools. I cannot say this too plainly: An Egyptian who has had reading and writing thrust upon him is, in every case that I have met with. half-witted, silly, or incapable of taking care of himself. His intellect and his health have been undermined by the forcing of education.[9]

Booker Washington, who has been wiser than we in the education of his own race, says one of the saddest sights he saw during a month's travel in the South was "a young man who had attended some high school, sitting in a one- room cabin, with grease on his clothing, filth all around him, and weeds in the yard and garden, engaged in studying a French grammar."[10] Indeed, it would be possible to collect enough instances like the following to show that the white man has been more illogical in applying his own system

(731) of education to the savage than the latter has shown himself in his attempts to accept it:

The missionaries trained the [Hawaiian] children in-schools to serious manners and decorum. Such was the method in fashion in our own schools at the time. The missionary society refused the petition Or the Hawaiians for teachers who would teach them the mechanic arts.[11]

h) We must remember also that language is not a perfect medium of expression, that misunderstandings constantly arise among friends in common intercourse on this account, and through failure to express the idea in its context, and that this becomes a very grave source of error in our judgment of races whose mental background is totally different from our own and whose language we know at best imperfectly. Moreover the mental reservations of all groups and races are very serious; it may be a life policy to deceive the intruder.

Most frequently "savages" are accused of being weak in abstract thinking, like children. T o show how such opinions originate, I beg to relate a single case lately reported to me by one of my friends. A young colonial officer buys a basket and asks the name of it in the native language. The first native says, "That is of straw"; another native says that they also make them of rushes. One of the two seemed to have lied, so each of them received twenty-five lashes. A third native is called. He says, "This basket is plaited," and gets twenty-five also. The next native affirms that the basket is nearly new, and gets twenty- five. The next that he does not know whose basket it is, etc. The final result of this scientific investigation is two hundred lashes; and the white man writes in his notebook: "These natives here are brutes, not men.' The black man says to his friends, "This fellow belong white is not proper in his save box," and thinks it safer to keep at a good distance from him; and a certain scientist at home gets a splendid illustration of his theory of the poor intellect of savage man and of his weakness in abstract thinking.[12]

Every man in a tribe feels himself bound to tell the chief everything that comes to his knowledge, and, when questioned by a stranger, either gives answers which exhibit the utmost stupidity, or such as he knows will be agreeable to his chief. I believe that in this way have arisen tales of their inability to count more than ten, as was asserted of the Bechuanas about the very time

(732) when Sechele's father counted out one thousand head of cattle as a beginning of the stock of his young son.[13]

i) Proverbs, wit, and humor are important expressions of the power of abstraction? and I think even African proverbs could be successfully matched against those of any country in Europe. I give the English equivalents of the following in brackets:

He runs away from the sword and hides in the scabbard ["Out of the frying-pan into the fire"]. Cocoanut is not good for bird to eat [" Sour grapes'']. Cowries are men [" Money makes the man "]. If a boy says he wants to tie the water with a string, ask him whether he means the water in the pot or the water in the lagoon ["Answer the fool according to his folly"]. If the stomach is weak do not eat cockroaches ["Milk for babes'']. The hyena said: "It is not only that I have luck, but my leg is strong" ["God helps those who help themselves "]. You cannot hold a lie in the palm of the hand (i.e., one hollow cannot lie in another) [English equivalent?] (cf. §§ 14f, 18e).[14]

This dignitary is an old servant of Gezo, once the Kan-gbo-de, or King's storekeeper, but degraded, as has been said, for presuming to ride up to the royal gate. He is now known as Kpon-ne-mi, "Look-for-me!"[15]

A chief in the Upper Shire Valley, whose scared looks led our men to christen him Kitlabolawa, "I-shall-be-killed." [16]

§4. Attention. -- a) The intelligence and progress of a group are dependent on the objects to which it gives its attention.

Attention is the mental attitude which takes note of the outside world and manipulates it; it is the organ of accommodation. But attention does not operate alone; it is associated with habit on the one hand and with crisis on the other. When the habits are running smoothly the attention is relaxed; it is not at work. But when something happens to disturb the run of habit the attention is called into play and devises a new mode of behavior which will meet the crisis. That is, the attention establishes new and adequate habits, or it is its function to do so.

Such conditions as the exhaustion of game, the intrusion of outsiders, defeat in battle, floods, drought, pestilence, and famine illustrate one class of crisis. The incidents of birth, death, adolescence, and marriage, while not unanticipated, are always foci of attention and occasions for control. They throw a

(733) strain on the attention, and affect the mental life of the group. . . . Other crises arise in the conflict of interest between individuals, and between the individual and the group. Theft, assault, sorcery, and all crimes and misdemeanors are occasions for the exercise of attention and control. To say that language, reflection? discussion? logical analysis, abstraction, mechanical invention, magic, religion, and science are developed in the effort of the attention to meet difficult situations through a readjustment of habit, is simply to say that the mind itself is the product of crisis. Crisis also produces the specialized occupations. The medicine-man, the priest, the lawgiver, the judge, the ruler, the physician, the teacher, the artist, and other specialists, represent classes of men who have or profess special skill in dealing with crises.[17]

b) "The human mind is essentially partial. It can be efficient at all only by picking out what to attend to, and ignoring everything else - by narrowing its point of view. Otherwise what little strength it has is dispersed and it loses its way altogether. "[18] In this connection it is important to note what the different races and classes think about - what objects have preferential attention. Dr. Veblen has assembled some narratives of Suaheli Negroes describing their travels in regions visited also by white scientific expeditions, and it is interesting to compare the white account of the journey with that of the native as showing what the mind dwelt on -- what objects got the attention of the white on the one hand and of the native on the others. [19] It is apparent that the white explorer, interested in strata, fauna, and flora, and the native, interested in getting a slave or a head, do not even see the same things.

c) Certain directions of the attention or formulation of interests in a society are relatively wasteful. Magic and interest in the supernatural, for instance, induce ritualism, fatalism, and paralysis of the will. Such interests may both monopolize the mind and prevent change of habit. Some African tribes, for example, have such faith in fetish that they cannot be induced to practice with firearms. If, they say, the magic works, the bullet will go straight; otherwise it will not.[20] Miss Kingsley thinks the West African's backwardness in mechanical invention is due to his faith in fetish.

(734)

Brahmans have assured me, and I have no reason for doubting their truthfulness in this matter, that if they perform their daily religious rites at least two hours in the morning and the same time in the evening would be fully occupied with them; and an hour or so in the middle of the day should also be devoted to simiar wore Many of the orthodox Hindus, there is no doubt, do spend a long time before and after business hours in this manner.[21] The Tantras declare that there are 80,000 postures in which the worshiper should sit or stand, the form being determined by the object he has in performing the worship.[22]

According to Mr. Pearce, at this time [1826] the annual number of Satis [Suttees] in Bengal was about 1,200; and when Lord William Bentinck passed an Act forbidding it, a petition was sent in to the Privy Council signed by I 8,000 people, many of whom represented the best families of Calcutta, asking that this practice might be allowed to continue.[23]

Among the Hebrews a religious inhibition -- "thou shalt not make unto thee any graven image"-- was sufficient to prevent anything like the sculpture of the Greeks; and the doctrine of the resurrection of the body in the early Christian church, and the teaching that man was made in the image of God, formed an almost insuperable obstacle to the study of human anatomy.[24]

The folkways of the Middle Ages were fantastic and extravagant. The people had their chief interest in the future world, about which there could be no reality. Whether Jesus and his apostles lived in voluntary beggary; whether any part of the blood of Jesus remained on earth; whether the dead went at once, or only on the judgment day, into the presence of God -- are specimens of the questions they debated. [25]

[At the middle of the nineteenth century we find the Polish peasant] inclined to rely in all economic activities upon the will and the favor of God alone, at the same time idling away his time wherever possible, without making the slightest attempt to help himself by his own powers along the path of co-ordinated efforts and with a clearly recognized end in view. What was the use of all efforts ? This was the main idea, which ruled his mental life If it is God's will, one can work his fingers off and still have nothing to show for it [26]

In contrast with this, business enterprise, mechanical invention, and scientific experimentation are examples of relatively profitable attention.

§ 5. Habit. -- a) Habit and training have an influence on the mind resembling hypnosis. Sumner cites the case of Galton, who

(735) in early youth was brought in contact with the Mohammedan ritual idea that the left hand is less worthy than the right, and never overcame it.[27]

The great part of our life is lived in the region of habit. The habits, like the instincts, are safe and serviceable. They have been tried, and they are associated with a feeling of security. There consequently grows up in the folk-mind a determined resistance to change. And there is a degree of sense in this, for while change implies possibilities of improvement it also implies danger of disaster, or a worse condition. It must also be acknowledged that a state of rapid and constant change implies loss of settled habits and disorganization. As a result, all societies view change with suspicion, and the attempt to revise certain habits is even viewed as immortality. [28]

The mores are social ritual in which we all participate unconsciously. The current habits as to hours of labor, meal hours, family life, the social intercourse of the sexes, propriety, amusements, travel, holidays, education, the use of periodicals and libraries, and innumerable other details of life fall under this ritual.[29]

b) The emotional nature of habit is responsible for conservatism. Races and social groups may be viewed with reference to the binding force of the mores. Change is particularly difficult when the mores are reinforced by superstition:

It is a well-established fact that the peasant, if the choice rests with him, prefers to buy the old peasant land (especially if it was a part of his paternal farm), rather than the manorial, unless the difference in quality of soil and in position between the two is very great indeed. The manorial land is bought as a rule only when the peasant is offered no favorable opportunity for the purchase of the old peasant land, otherwise he always prefers to purchase the peasant rather than the manorial, even if the purchase of the latter would be somewhat more advantageous to him. In the first beginnings of the parceling there was added to the economic-geographic and psychologic impulses the superstition, which was fairly deeply rooted, that if the peasant became the owner of the manorial land it would yield him only bad harvests; in the course of time this has completely disappeared but in its place another phantastic idea has arisen, namely this, that after a certain time the manorial land acquired by him as owner will again be gathered together out of its parcels into a whole and pass over to the descendants of the last old manorial lord in return for a small price.[30]

On the 25th of June a curious incident occurred at the market of Manyanga which was held every week. A man bought a goat, and, contrary to custom,

(736)attempted to resell it the same day in the same market, which was considered such an outrage upon custom that the public indignation was aroused, to be vented upon the goat and a couple of pigs. These animals were cut to pieces and distributed round the market-place, and not until a general smash-up of gourds of palm-wine had Was the public the sufficiently allayed (cf. §7g).[31]

§6. Crisis. -- a) The term "crisis" is not to be understood in a violent sense. It is involved in any disturbance of habit. There is a crisis in the boy's life when he leaves home. The emancipation of the Negro and the immigration of the European peasant are group crises. Any strain or crisis involves three possible changes: greater fitness, reduced efficiency, or death. In biological terms, "survival " means successful adjustment to crisis, accompanied typically by a modification of structure. In man it means mental stimulation and greater intelligence, or mental depression, in case of failure. Obviously the ability to meet crisis depends on the degree of mental preparation. The Negro, for instance, had not been properly prepared for freedom. Enthusiasts for Negro and peasant emancipation did not foresee the loss of control involved in the disturbance of old habits, nor make a proper allowance for the time element involved in education into new habits. This education is not necessarily a matter of schooling, but rather of general opportunity.

b)My authorities were very far from being impartial observers. Most of them were evidently suffering from shattered illusions. They had expected that the Emancipation would produce instantaneously a wonderful improvement in the life and character of the rural population, and that tile peasant would become at once a sober, industrious, model agriculturist. These expectations were not realized. One year passed, five years passed, ten years passed, and the expected transformation did not take place. On the contrary, there appeared certain very ugly phenomena which were not at all in the program. The peasants began to drink more and to work less and the public life which the communal institutions produced was by no means of a desirable kind. The "bawlers" acquired a prejudicial influence in the village assemblies, and in /very many volosts the peasant judges, elected by their fellow-villagers, acquired a bad habit of selling their decisions for vodka.[32]

(737)

c) Aside from the possibility of the attainment of economic independence, which in and for itself possesses a great power of inducement for every strong and healthy man and which among us is possible for the young people only through emigration, the attainment of complete freedom exerts a very strong stimulus upon many. Only away from the village does all control over the course of life of its former inhabitants cease -- control practiced at home in the most minute way at every step, even without intention on the part of the fellow-villagers. Only in a foreign country can each one do as he pleases and direct his life according to his desire. No one can say anything to him or find fault with him, as happens not infrequently at home, since he is economically fully independent and, if he likes, entirely free from the social ties by which he was formerly completely chained.[33]

d) The return from America has exercised an influence not to be undervalued, in that it has brought to the villages a great number of peasants who, by nature more progressive than the others, found there a good opportunity to rise.....

e) It has come to be a custom to consider the peasant a stronghold of conservatism as also of all backwardness as against other social groups, which von der Goltz remarks especially strongly for the conditions among the imperial Germans, in that he speaks even of a certain stupidity and of a clumsiness of the German peasants .... I have found clumsy individuals among the Polish peasants in equal number with the very quick; in the last decades the latter begin even to outnumber the formerly [34]

f) They are beginning, even though often with difficulty, to distinguish the leading persons from the institutions which are carried on by them, so that the personification formerly indispensable in the explanation of social and political events is more and more giving place to the true understanding of the matter. In accordance with this, the differentiation of the abstract from the concrete is beginning to break a path for itself, although in this respect we find ourselves merely in the first beginnings of this intellectual process, which is going on in the mental world of the peasant, so that the number of those who have attained to full clearness in this respect is still very small.[35]

g) It is probable that waywardness in American-born children of foreign parentage, as well as in non-English-speaking girls who came to this country when quite young, is in part due to the difficulty such parents have in maintaining discipline. They are handicapped by ignorance of our language and customs with which the children through our schools and other institutions have become more familiar. This superiority quickly shows itself in an unwillingness to acknowledge parental authority.

The cases of Olga, the child of Russian Jews, and Gretchen of German parentage, are illustrative. Olga looked down upon her mother and grew

(738) ungovernable. Her mother complained bitterly that she could do nothing with her: "She makes mit me too fresh." As Gretchen would be preparing to go out in the evening, her mother would say, "I don't want you to go out, you stay right away, soon, or I'll lick your face," and Gretchen would run out saying, "All right, come Oh and do it." She would return so late that the mother's heart would be torn with anxiety (cf. §12c).[36]

h) Failure to meet crisis successfully may be marked by the loss of the better qualities of the old status and the acquisition of the worse qualities of the new. Thus the Negro in slavery lost some of the best traits which he showed in Africa, and in freedom he acquired some of the worst qualities of the white -- and some which did not characterize him in slavery:

To those unfamiliar with the products of native African art and industry, a walk through one of the large museums of Europe would be a revelation. None of our American museums has made collections which exhibit this subject in any way worthily. The blacksmith, the wood-carver, the weaver, the potter -- these all produce ware original in form, executed with great care, and exhibiting that love of labor and interest in the results of work which are apparently so often lacking among the Negroes in our American surroundings. No less instructive are the records of travelers, reporting the thrift of the native visages, of the extended trade of the country, and of its markets. The power of organization as illustrated in the government of native states is of no mean order, and when wielded by men of great personality has led to the foundation of extended empires There is nothing to prove that licentiousness, shiftless laziness, lack of initiative are fundamental characteristics of the race. [37]

The large proportion of colored men who, in April, had been before the criminal court, led Judge Gordon to make a suggestion when he yesterday discharged the jurors for the term. "It would seem," said the Court, "that the philanthropic colored people of the community .... ought to see what is radically wrong that produces this state of affairs and correct it, if possible. There is nothing in history that indicates that the colored race has a propensity to acts of violent crime; on the contrary their tendencies are most gentle, and they submit with grace to subordination.[38]

i) Some of the puzzling mental attitudes of the immigrant are not to be regarded as "foreign," but are the result of a conflict between old habits and new. Thus the Pole or Bohemian may be at the same time a Catholic and a free-thinker or a socialist. He has

(739) accepted the new system without abandoning the old. (This is, of course, a case of very rare occurrence.)

j) We may use the term "pace" to express the rate of energy at which a people lives. Professor William James claims that we all have untapped reservoirs of energy, and that we habitually live at a rate below our full powers. American business methods represent a fast pace. The owner of the celebrated pacing horse, Dan Patch, said that animal had always shown a tendency to go as fast as the pace set. When paced by a running horse he went a mile in I :56. A good illustration of the pacing principle is college athletics; there is always a tendency to approach the record. American business methods represent a very fast pace in one field. The ability to meet crisis is obviously related to the ability to take the pace of the faster competitive group, and this in turn is dependent on antecedent race habits. The Negro in slavery never worked at a high rate of energy even under the lash. In freedom he has been outpaced by the European immigrant when brought into competition with him. The fact that the immigrant usually comes with the set determination to make a sum of money in the shortest possible time is one of the factors to be considered in this connection.

A Negro with three grown working hands in his family cultivates nineteen acres and has an account of $750.58. He makes $506.80 80 worth of cotton and seed, and owes a balance of $243.78. He made only 230 pounds of lint per acre, or 1,460 pounds per hand, but even this would have left him in fair shape but for his account for supplies and extra work in his crop. These items alone amounted to $11.98 per acre, or $75.96 per hand. On the other side of a " turn row " we have an Italian with three working hands, two grown and one a child, working 20 acres. They owe a balance of $139 for transportation from Italy, and their total account for the year is $394.54. Of this they owe not one cent for help in their crop, and their supply bill is $3.17 I per acre, or $2 I . 14 per hand. They make $804 25 worth of cotton and seed, and have a cash balance of $409.71 The essential difference, I believe, lies in their accounts. They will not hire work done for them where they can possibly avoid it, but when it does become necessary, they will exert every effort to make enough themselves by outside work at convenient times to offset what they hire. [39]

k) Under these circumstances it is of peculiar interest to find that the Negro occasionally sets the pace and is imitated by the white man:

(740)

I have just finished reading a little pamphlet written by Mr. George W. Carver, director of the Agricultural Department at Tuskegee, giving the results of some of his experiments in raising sweet potatoes for one year. This colored man has shown in plain, simple language, based on scientific principles, how he has raised two hundred sixty-six bushels of Sweet potato. on on single acre of common land, and made a net profit of one hundred and twenty-one dollars. The average yield of sweet potatoes to the acre, in the part of the South where this experiment was tried, is thirty-seven bushels per acre. This colored man is now preparing to make this same land produce five hundred bushels of potatoes.

I have watched this experiment with a great deal of pleasure. The deep interest shown by the neighboring white farmers has been most gratifying. I do not believe that a single white farmer who visited the field to see the unusual yield ever thought of having any prejudice or feeling against this colored man because his education had enabled him to make a marked success of raising sweet potatoes. There were, on the other hand, many evidences of respect for this colored man and of gratitude for the information which he had furnished (cf.§7e) [40]

§ 7. Imitation. -- a) Imitation is the greatest force in the development of habits, mental attitudes, and character. Words represent every element in the present and past of the group, and as by imitation the child acquires these symbols of life, just so he acquires his general consciousness from those around him.

It is fairly well accepted that the individual comes gradually to self-consciousness through his interaction with other individuals. Every human being, if he is to live at all, is, from infancy, surrounded and cared for by persons. These persons fit into and help to constitute a social group. The child is nourished, sheltered, guided, and disciplined by this human environment. All objects and influences m are mediated by the persons near him. His very sensations are determined and modified by them. These persons arc the moving objects in his field of vision and are therefore the first to catch his eye and to furnish vivid factual and auditory sensations. As he becomes old enough to appreciate it even dimly, he finds himself talked to, and talked about, now made the center of attention and again ignored by the grown-ups. He exerts influence over these others by his cries, calls, and antics. He discriminates between them and discovers that he has peculiar charms for certain ones. All such experiences contribute to the polarization of consciousness in the egos and alter, the self and others. This process continues to be elaborated through life, at least during any vital contact with other persons. The self is thus always changing in consciousness, and does not attain a final form or completeness A permanent, unmodified self would be the counterpart of a fixed and

(741) changeless social order, if indeed there could be any consciousness whatever in such an order. [41]

All resemblances of social origin in society are the direct or indirect fruit of the various forms of imitation -- custom-imitation or fashion-imitation, -imitation, sympathy-imitation or obedience-imitation, precept-imitation or education-imitation, naive imitation, deliberate imitation, etc.[42]

b) There is a different rate of imitation for different objects and customs. Tobacco, whiskey, ornaments, and objects of luxury and fashion spread very rapidly. Tarde holds that sentiments are appropriated more readily than ideas.

Ribot has pointed out that the memory of sentiments is much more persistent than that of ideas. I should say the like of the imitation of sentiments compared with the imitation (i.e., the spread) of ideas. Certainly morals and religious and moral sentiments which consist of reciprocal impregnations of affective states have a greater tenacity than opinions or even principles.[43]

On the other hand, where race or class antipathy exists ideas may be appropriated and the sentiments left. The Pole of Posen rejects the religion, art, and language of the Prussian, but imitates his ideas of banking and agriculture. And the German Catholic colonized in Posen shows an unexpected tendency to adopt the language and religion of the Pole. In the latter case identity of religion is the controlling factor, though in some cases the non-Catholic settler also casts in his lot with the majority. The Jew appropriates the ideas but not the sentiments of the society in which he dwells.

There is a principle called parallelism of development, meaning that different groups living quite apart develop nevertheless similar institutions. It is apparent that this law holds in general, and especially for what may be called the primary social expressions -- approval of bravery, censure of treachery, property rights, tribal organization, feud, simple mechanical inventions, magic, the representative arts, and some "shalt nots" answering to the Hebrew commandments. But certain secondary and specialized attitudes, like representative government, free schools, scientific experimentation, and the equal recognition of women, originate slowly or not at

(742) all, but are imitated with extreme facility when conditions are favorable.

c) We must recognize two forms of imitation, the re-productive and the assimilative. The first resembles plagiarism in literature. A race of lower cultural standing may mimic the habits of a higher social grade without really appropriating them. In this case the tendency is to imitate the weaker rather than the stronger sides of the higher culture, as the emancipated Negro imitated the leisure, drink, and classical learning of the white rather than his working habits (cf. § 6). It is questionable also whether a sudden and complete surrender and wholesale imitation is ever a good sign. The best Negro schools are now working out for the masses of the race, at least, a system which includes only those elements of the white culture which the Negro can use in his life as he will probably lead it. The immigrants in America who keep up to some extent their own customs, associations, and language seem to make the best citizens. Studies are needed comparing the efforts of certain immigrant groups in America to retain connection with the home mores, with the efforts of other groups to lose it.

d) Where the cultural interval between groups is very great imitation does not appear, unless through outside interference, as in the case of the Negro. The gypsy lives in the midst of culture but does not appropriate it. The Polish peasant lived for centuries beside the noble, and it did not even enter his mind that he could imitate him. He got his copies for imitation finally from America.

So for example the large-paned windows, which today are made to be opened and wherever possible are still painted and adorned with primitive artistic productions, were not borrowed from the manors and neighboring cities, where they had already been in use for a long time before the emigration, but they came into daily peasant use only as a borrowing from over the sea.[44]

e) There are interesting exceptions to the rule that the lower cultural grade imitates the higher. The Polish peasant has returned to Galicia with American copies which in turn have been imitated by the higher grades of society there:

Though it may apparently sound like a paradox, it is nevertheless a fact that the small peasant farms were the first to give rise to the beginnings of a

(743) change in the economic and cultural conditions of the village; here for the first time people sought to satisfy the newly arisen needs in respect to a change in dwelling, clothing, and food. The larger peasant farms showed themselves far too conservative to make a beginning here and thus to take to themselves the role of culture leaders .... A great number of peasants found [in America] a good opportunity to rise and after their return to win for themselves and their modern ideas respect and influential valuation among their fellow-villagers. [45]

f) It may also be worth noting that a lower grade of culture may exercise a fascination on at least individuals in a higher grade. The picturesque and easy- going Roumanian of the Hungarian Transylvania stands about midway between the gypsy and the Magyar in culture. He is never Magyarized, while the Magyar not infrequently adopts the language and customs and religion of the Roumanian. The Saxons of the same region hold themselves superior to the Magyar and I am told there is no case of a Magyarized Saxon. But the Saxon is capable of being Roumanized. Cases of this kind, however, perhaps represent nothing more than the " call of the wild." At any rate these border contacts need further investigation from the standpoint of imitation and inhibition.

g) The for imitation is significant. A change must have a certain relation to existing mores and have its roots in them. Otherwise emotional resistance is aroused. Radical changes are regarded as absurd or immoral, and the people murmur. " Wherever a culture material of a substantial nature arises three factors are sure to be present in its origin: a condition of ripeness, the existence of a need, and tint' initiative of a single person." [46] Cases like that of the African chief who stopped the growing of maize because it grew hair longer than his own; of another who dug up the treasure buried with his father and used it, and another who ordered a stop put to circumcision, really have no meaning in this connection. The individual is accidentally in a position to defy the mores.

Sumner calls attention to the failure of the arbitrary reforms attempted by Joseph II, emperor of Germany:

He established freedom of worship, made marriage a civil contract, abolished class privilege, made taxation uniform, and replaced serfdom in Bohemia

(744)by a form of villanage which existed in Austria. In Hungary he ordered the use of the German language instead of Latin, as a civil language .... No coffins were to be used; corpses were to be put in sacks and buried in quicklime. .... Non-Catholics were given full civil rights. None were to be excluded from the cemeteries .... the end the emperor revoked all trig changes and innovations except the abolition of serfdom and religious tolerations.[47]

h) At the same time the individual may form about himself a group, or school, or party, who are educated into his views and become in turn centers of suggestion. The Polish-Prussian culture war in Posen has developed some remarkable leadership and innovations. The history of religious sects in America is significant from this standpoint. Are Lew Wallace and Ben Hur responsible for the interest in authorship in the Hoosier state? I have frequently heard the remark in eastern Europe that it is hopeless to attempt to understand the psychology of the Slavic peasant, because you occasionally stumble on a village differing entirely from its neighbors. In such a case we may suspect that an individual with a doctrine, or a view of life, or a mission, has been operating in that village.

§ 8. Isolation. -- a) The mechanics of modern culture is complicated. The individual has access to materials outside his group, from the world at large. His consciousness is built up not only by word of mouth but by the printed page. He may live as much in German books as in fireside conversation. Much more mail is handled every day in the New York post- office than was sent out by all the thirteen states in a year at the close of the eighteenth century. But by reason of poverty, geographical isolation, caste feeling, or "pathos," individuals, communities, and races may be excluded from some of the stimulations and copies which enter into a high grade of mind. The savage, the Negro, the peasant, the slum-dwellers, and the white woman are notable sufferers by exclusion.

b) Easy communication of ideas favors differentiation of a rational and functional sort, as distinguished from the random variations fostered by isolation. And it must be remembered that any sort is rational and functional that really commends itself to the human spirit. Even revolt from an ascendant type is easier now than formerly because the rebel can fortify himself wit h the triumphant records of the non-conformers of the past.[48]

(745)

c) The peasant [at the middle of the nineteenth century], limited in a cultural respect to his village life, thinks, feels, and acts solely in the bounds of his native village; his thought never goes beyond his farm and his neighbor; toward the political, economic, or national events taking place outside of his village, be they of his own or of a foreign country, he is completely indifferent, and even if he has learned something of them, this is described by him in a fantastic, mythological way, and only in this adopted form is it added to his cultural condition and transmitted to his descendants .... Every peasant
farm produced almost exclusively for itself, only to the most limited extent for exchange; every village formed an economic unit, which stood in only a loose economic connection with the outer world .... Outwardly complete isolation of the village settlements and their inhabitants from each other and from the rest of the country and other classes of society; inwardly complete homogeneity, one and the same economic, social, and cultural equality of the peasant mass, no possibility of advance for the more gifted and capable individuals, everyone pressed down to a flat level .... The peasant of one village holds himself if not directly hostile, at least as a rule not cordial to the peasants of another village .... The nobles living in the same village territory .... even wanted to force upon the peasants an entirely different origin, in that with the assistance of the Biblical legend they wished to trace him from the accursed Ham (from this the curse and insult "Ty chamie" -- Thou Ham), but themselves from Japhet, of better repute in the Bible, while they attributed to the Jews Shem as an ancestor.' [49]

The pathetic effect of isolation on the state of knowledge is recorded in many of the stories of runaway slaves:

With two more boys, I started for the free states. We did not know where they were, but went to try to find them. We crossed the Potomac and hunted round and round and round. Some one showed us the way to Washington; but we missed of it, and wandered all night; then we found ourselves where we set out ....[50]

§ 9. Race-prejudice.-- a) For our purposes race-prejudice may be regarded as a form of isolation. And in the case of the American Negro this situation is aggravated by the fact that the white man has developed a determination to keep him in isolation --"in his place." Now, when the isolation is willed and has at the same time the emotional nature of a tabu, the handicap is very grave indeed. It is a fact that the most intelligent Negroes are usually half or more than half white, but it is still a subject for investigation whether

(746) this is due to mixed blood or to the fact that they have been more successful in violating the tabu.

b) The humblest white employee knows that the better he does his work the more chance there is for hem to rise in the bummers. The black employee knows that the better he does his work the longer he may do it; he cannot often hope for promotion. [51]

All these careers are at the very outset closed to the Negro on account of his color; what lawyer would give even a minor case to a Negro assist ant ? or what university would appoint a promising young Negro as tutor ? Thus the white young man starts in life knowing that within some limits and barring accidents, talent and application will tell. The young Negro starts knowing that on all sides his advance is made doubly difficult if not wholly shut off, by his color.[52]

In all walks of life the Negro is liable to meet some objection to his presence or some discourteous treatment If an invitation is issued to the public for any occasion, the Negro can never know whether he would be welcomed or not; if he goes he is liable to have his feelings hurt and get into unpleasant altercation; if he stays away, he is blamed for indifference. If he meet a lifelong white friend on the street, he is in a dilemma; if he does not greet the friend he is put down as boorish and impolite; if he does greet the friend he is liable to be flatly snubbed. If by chance he is introduced to a white woman or man, he expects to be ignored on the next meeting, and usually is. White friends may call on him, but he is scarcely expected to call on them, save for strictly business matters. If he gain the affections- of a white woman and
marry her he may invariably expect that slurs will be thrown on her reputation and on his, and that both his and her race will shun their company. When he dies he cannot be buried beside white corpses.[53]

Kelly Miller, himself a full-blooded black (for which the Negroes have expressed their gratitude), refers to the backwardness of the Negro in the following terms:

To expect the Negroes of Georgia to produce a great general like Napoleon when they are not even allowed to carry arms, or to deride them for not producing scholars like those of the renaissance when a few years ago they were forbidden the use of letters, verges closely upon the outer rim of absurdity. Do you look for great Negro statesmen in states where black men are not allowed to vote ? .... Above all, for southern white men to berate the Negro for failing to gain the highest rounds of distinction reaches the climax of cruel inconsistency. One is reminded of the barbarous Teutons in Titus Andronicus, who, after cutting out the tongue and hacking off the hands of the lovely Lavinia, ghoulishly chided her for not calling for sweet water with which to wash her delicate hands.[54]

(747)

It is not too much to say that no Negro and no mulatto, in America at least, has ever been fully in the white man's world. But we must recognize that their backwardness is not wholly due to prejudice. A race with an adequate technique can live in the midst of prejudice and even receive some stimulation from it. But the Negro has lost many of the occupations which were particularly his own, and is outclassed in others -- not through prejudice but through the faster pace of his competitors (cf. § 6j, k).

c) Obviously obstacles which discourage one race may stimulate another. Even the extreme measures in Russia and Roumania against the Jew have not isolated him. He has resources and traditions and technique of his own, and we have even been borrowers from him.

§10. Economic determinism. -- a) As in the animal world the struggle for food is fundamental in forming the structure, habits, and intelligence of species, so economic factors are the most important in determining the forms of social groups and their mental attitudes. All sides of life have an economic aspect, and so do all the topics of our schedule. A low economic condition may here be considered as a condition involving psychic isolation, in the sense indicated above (§20).

b) The district captainship in Trembowla gives in a report to the governor's district as one of the causes of the large emigration in the year 1896 the starvation-wages paid in the district at that time (8, l0, 12, at the most IS to 20 kreuzers [3 to 9 cents] a day). [55]

A Polish Peasant with a medium sized property .... gets out of debt with difficulty. As a young man he has taken up the estate and satisfied the claims of his brothers and sisters, that is, taken on debts. If by lifelong labor his debts are gradually paid off, the new generation has grown up, and the old game begins anew There are farms burdened with 18 and 20 mortgage.[56]

The "poor" are a degree above these cases; they are composed of the inefficient, unfortunate, and improvident, and just manage to get enough to eat, a little to wear, and shelter. A specimen family is composed of six persons - man and wife, a widowed daughter, two grandsons of thirteen and eleven, and a nephew of twenty-eight. They live in three rooms, with poor furniture and of fair cleanliness. The father and nephew are laborers, often

(748) out of work. The mother does day's work and the daughter is at service. They spend for:


Rent, $8 per month .............. 96 00
Food, $2.16 a week............ 112.32
Fuel, 50 -84 cents a week.... 31.20

............................................$239.52

Clothing, etc., will bring this total to $250 or $275. This is an honest family, belonging to one of the large Baptist churches.[57]

c) In Galicia day wages have in some cases risen 300 per cent since 1880, due partly to immigration. I found cases in upper Hungary where the Slovaks had emigrated in such numbers as to leave the large estates without sufficient labor, and some of the estates came on the market. Returned immigrants in some cases then combined their capital and purchased and divided the estates.

§11. Social classes. -- a) Aristotle says a well-appointed house needs animate and inanimate tools [58] and he calls the slave an animate tool. The exploitation of others by force or otherwise -- using them purely as a means -- may be called manipulation, and is perhaps a more important factor in the formation of social classes and cultural and mental status than is inequality of endowment. We may study manipulation also in connection with the attitudes of mind it indicates in the manipulated and the manipulators.

b) One of the workings of manipulation in Poland was to prevent the development of a middle class. The result was both curious and disastrous. The peasant, robbed and brutalized, was reduced to a state of inefficiency and apathy which resulted in constantly diminishing returns to the noble. At present the leaders in the three parts of Poland, many of them nobles, are devoting themselves largely to the elevation of the peasant and the creation of a middle class.

c) The economic taxes in this epoch [seventeenth to nineteenth centuries] grew to be enormous. With the further increasing growth and the new foundation of manorial estates, bond-service of all sorts also grew notably, but especially the days of compulsory labor. There was no longer a general standard by which the measure of these might be regulated. The motto of the landed nobility read: to take the greatest possible advantage of the physical laboring

(749) strength of the peasants. According to Dr.Kutrzeba it is to be supposed that the bond- service covered an average of eight days in the week from the peasant possessing a full hide of land (416 in the year). Besides this the subject village population rendered many extra services The unfortunate fact that at this time the memorial favored hall of the village hid no Lateral and intellectual advance to show, was true in still greater measure in the peasant part of the village, for the legal and economic oppression, the dependence upon the caprice of the lord, and the social degradation of the peasants were so great that they lost completely the desire to work even upon their own peasant farms. Hand in hand with this went the weakening of self-reliance, of preparation for the future, and of efforts toward the bettering of their condition. They saw
themselves thrust into a hopeless state, in which all strivings to raise themselves benefited only their lord. [59]

d) The condition of the team-peasant possessing more land was as a rule by no means better, often really worse, than that of the hand-peasant (usually not too scantily provided with land), for the duties which he had to fulfil toward his landlord were greatly in excess of those of the hand-peasant. He had only three free days in the week (if indeed his master did not demand still more labor in return for a small payment) in which he might attend to the management of his own property; the other three days he must work in person together with his team, consisting of four draught-animals and a driver, upon the land of his manorial lord. Thus there was nothing left for him in the management of his own farm, in case he had no children able to work, but to engage the services of [landless] Komorniks, upon whose labor he had to rely during hall the week, without being able to control them sufficiently. Every team-farmer had to feed and clothe one or two families of these Komorniks as a return for their labor. In addition, during harvest time, if the peasant farm was somewhat larger, he needed by all means the help of the hand-peasants whose fields he had to cultivate in return, and this naturally entailed the accumulation of a larger teaming-outfit . . . . Thus it was the teaming-peasant who had to cultivate all the village fields, those of the landlord, of the small farmer, and his own . . . . Accordingly the greed of the peasant for the greatest possible holding of land which has become proverbial today did not exist in so great a measure as in the second half of the nineteenth century. A man was happy if he owned less and therefore had no team-services to render.....

From what has been said it follows that at the close of the villanage period there was no marked difference between the team-, hand-, and landless peasants, if one is considering the economic differentiation. As a result of the economic equality of the serfs there came to be no distinction among them on the basis of landed property. The consequence likewise of the subjugation of the whole peasant class was that the great- peasant (most of the team-peasants belonged to this category) in the village did not play the role economically of a connecting

(750)link between the great farms, represented by the manorial estates, and the middle and smaller peasant farms, as was the case at the same time in many western European countries.....

e) We often find the peasant family so divided that the younger brothers and sisters tools the place of servants among the older ones, often throughout their whole life, which was felt not in the least as an injustice. Those who took a servile place among their older brothers and sisters were not so much exposed to the manorial abuses as the heir to the farm in possession himself, who had to work on an equal level with the manorial servants, and was treated correspondingly.[60]

f) The social differences at that time .... were so deeply rooted that they did not allow of the development of a national consciousness on the part of the peasants. For the peasant in the middle of the nineteenth century a Pole was no one but a landed noble, for whom he had to perform heavy bond and servile duties. For him the two expressions, Pole and nobleman, were more than synonyms, they covered exactly the same meaning in the peasant expression To desire to persuade the peasant of that time that he was also a Pole was merely to expose oneself to the greatest distrust as a suspicious individual dangerous to the government and to himself and occasionally to be denounced as an agitator to the nearest government official. [61]

The failure of the Negro to develop a middle class is of particular significance for the mental and cultural status of that race.

The class to which these last [well-to-do] families belong, is often lost sight of in discussing the Negro. It is the germ of a great middle class, but in general its members are curiously hampered by the fact that, being shut off from the world about them, they are the aristocracy of their own people, with all the responsibilities of an aristocracy, and yet they, on the one hand, are not prepared for this role, and their own masses are not used to looking to them for leadership. As a class they feel strongly the centrifugal forces of class repulsion among their own people, and, indeed, are compelled to feel it in sheer self-defense. They do not relish being mistaken for servants; they shrink from the free and easy worship of most of the Negro churches, and they shrink from all such display and publicity as will expose them to the veiled insult and depreciation which the masses suffer. Consequently this class, which ought to lead, refuses to head any race movement on the plea that thus they draw the very color line against which they protest.[62]

§ 12. The occupations. -- a) The distribution of individuals in the occupations or callings according to their aptitudes is an important fact in the economy of progress and is the explanation

(751) of the great importance of a middle class. Selecting and preparing for the calling imply in themselves development of the will and mental resources, and within the calling arise inventions; I mean not mechanical inventions alone but all improved forms of control. invention in the social process corresponds to variation in biology.

If we search in any social group for the special functions to which mind is thus relative, occupations at once suggest themselves. Occupations determine the fundamental modes of activity, and hence control the formation and use of habits. These habits, in turn, are something more than practical and overt. "Apperceptive masses" and associational tracts of necessity conform to the dominant activities. The occupations determine the chief modes of satisfaction, the standards of success and failure. Hence they furnish the working classifications and definitions of value; they control the desire processes. Moreover, they decide the sets of objects and relations that are important, and thereby provide the content or material of attention, and the qualities that are interestingly significant. The directions given to mental life thereby extend to emotional and intellectual characteristics. So fundamental and pervasive is the group of occupational activities that it affords the scheme or pattern of the structural organization of mental traits. Occupations integrate special elements into a functioning whole.[63]

b) The entrance to the occupations is a peculiarly difficult crisis for the recent slave or serf, on account of his lack of preparation, lack of capital, and the prejudice he encounters. Moral disturbances may also be expected in connection with the attempt to reach the higher callings.

The Seventh Ward has thirteen small Negro grocery stores. They are mostly new ventures, eight being less than a year old; four, one to five years old, and one fifteen years old. Two arc co-operative enterprises but have had no great success. All of these stores with two or three exceptions arc really experiments and most of them ill soon go to the wall and their places be taken by others. The six smaller shops represent investments of $25 to $50; two have $50 to $100 invested; three between $100 and $200, and one from $500 to $1,000. [64]

This failure of most Negro lawyers is not in all cases due to lack of ability and push on their part. Its principal cause is that the Negroes furnish little lucrative law business, and a Negro lawyer will seldom be employed by whites. Moreover, while the work of a physician is largely private, depending on individual skill, a lawyer must have co-operation from fellow-lawyers and respect and influence in court; thus prejudice or discrimination of any kind is especially

(752)felt in this profession. For these reasons Negro lawyers are for the part confined to petty criminal practice and seldom get a chance to show their ability.[65]

c) The other form of occupational differentiation, which at present in our district is still much less developed than the above mentioned, rests on the production of the "more cultured callings," for the most part the village teachers and pastors This sort of cultured men, springing from the common people of this district, for the most part (although not always) forget their nearest blood relations as soon as they have finished their studies and established themselves, as a result of which not only social intercourse, but all ties whatever between the peasant father and the student son are completely
lost (cf. § 6g). [66]

§13. State of knowledge. -- a) Education implies a body of facts and a technique for associating them. The technique may be acquired in connection with any class of facts and any set of problems. And when acquired it can be transferred readily to other bodies of knowledge and problems. Our colleges have not provided a body of materials for the attention of the student properly related to his future occupation, but they have given a technique which he transfers with facility to any field. Therein alone lies the fact that the system did not collapse even in the theological and " dead languages " period. The eminent barrister Roger Pryor had never studied law when he began its practice, but he possessed a technique which he transferred to the new field. Educated Japanese adjust themselves readily to our university work for the same reason.

b) This principle of "transferred technique" is of value in viewing the relation of the immigrant and the Negro to our institutions, particularly to our occupational life. The Negro in slavery was notoriously deprived of knowledge and mental problems, even by law, and the case of the eastern European peasant was not very different. There are villages in Russia in which not a single woman, young or old, can read or write. In other places this is so rare in women that it excites ridicule.[67]

c) "Education," says a spokesman of the government, "should be proportionate to the property of those who are being educated"; so that if a man

(753) has no property, as is the case with most Russians, his children are to receive no sort of instruction. The Educational Commission in the city of Saratoff, acting upon this intelligible principle, reported strongly in favor of restricting education "so as to protect the children of the wealthy classes from the influx into the schools of children of the poor and middle classes."[68]

The feeling of the nobles with regard to the education of the peasant was expressed in the opinion arising about the middle of the nineteenth century that culture not only did not become the peasant, but that for the most part he was incapable of it. The statement of the Duke Starzynski of Gora Ropczycka in the middle of the sixth decade of the nineteenth century is universally known: "Beat the peasant, but don't educate him!"[69]

d) It will of course be found that occupations have in themselves different educational values, and that the ability to rise in America is related to the character of the home occupation. The Jew, for instance, who has been in trade has in reality had practice in the control of problems, and he continues to employ the technique thus acquired to the same field or transfers it to another occupation. Our problem of finding workers in steel, mines, etc., who cannot soon rise to higher occupations has been met by taking advantage of the presence of populations in Europe without any considerable mental technique.

§ 14. Family, community, and gang. -- a) The marks made on the child by the family and community ideals are deeper than those received in after life from the world at large, and are often so distinct and ineradicable as to be confused with specific characters. It has been pointed out, for instance, by students of Indian society, that the Indian is highly emotional, and that his stoicism and taciturnity are the result of incessant drill.

b) By primary groups I mean those characterized by intimate face-to face association and co-operation. They are primary in several senses, but chiefly in that they are fundamental in forming the social nature and ideals of the individual. The result of intimate association, psychologically, is a certain fusion of individualities in a common whole, so that one's very self, for many purposes at least, is the common life and purpose of the group. Perhaps the simplest way of describing this wholeness is by saying that it is a "we"; it involves the sort of sympathy and mutual identification for which "we" is the natural expression. One lives in the feeling on the whole and finds the chief aims of his will in that feeling.

(756) It is not to be supposed that the unity of the primary group is one of mere harmony and love. It is always a differentiated usually a competitive unity, admitting of self-assertion and various appropriative passions; but these passions are socialized by sympathy, and come, or tend to come, under the discipline of a common spirit The most important spheres of this intimate association and co-operation --though by no means the only ones -- are the family, the play-group of children, and the neighborhood or community group of elders.[70]

c) [Among the Bulgarians] unanimity prevails as a rule, but it also happens that when the question is put by the domacin, all except one may agree to a motion, but the motion is never carried if that one refuses to agree to it. In such cases all endeavor to talk over and persuade the stiff-necked one. Often they even call to their aid his wife, his children, his relatives, his father-in-law, and his mother, that they may prevail upon him to say yes. Then hen all assail him, and say to him from time to time: "Come now, God help you, agree with us too, that this may take place as we wish it, that the house may not he cast into disorder, that we may not be talked about by the people, that the neighbors may not hear of it, that the world may not make sport of us ! " It seldom occurs in such cases that unanimity is not attained.[71]

Let us turn now to the Russian large-family of the present day. The "Starschina" (oldest of the village) of the Chinewer Wolost (Government Orel) gives the following account of the peasant family of his Wolost: "A peasant family in our Wolost is made up of several relatives with their wives and children to the number of 15-20 and often of even more persons; they all live in one house. The power of the head of the house plays a great role. He keeps watch of the general peace of the household, its quiet, and deportment; all members of the household owe him obedience. After his death, his power and the control of the house passes to his oldest son; but if he has no grown-up children, then it passes to one of his brothers It sometimes happens, although very seldom, that there are no grown men by whom the position of father of the house may be inherited; then the wife of the dead man occupies this place." [72]

d) One must not think, however, that the patriarchal rule of the woman is gentler than that of a man; it is rather the other way. Ponomareff reports an interesting case where a mother, who was head of the family, had her son beaten to death by the family community, because he secretly consoled his wife for her ill-treatment at the hands of the patriarchess by saying that the latter was old and barked at everybody, and that she, the young wife, must not think anything of it. And no one dared to question her right to do so, for, in definite

(755)recognition of it, the oldest members of the large-family begged the offended patriarchess on their knees for mercy, but in vain. The son was beaten to death.[73]

e) When the family and community are less progressive than the larger world' when they tend to protract the discipline of infancy beyond the period of adolescence, and above all when they exploit their younger members -- use them as tools -- the child may attempt to repudiate the parents and the community. Immigration, for instance, gives an especially favorable opportunity for this. It will be noted that the acute strain in the immigrant home situation is economic. The Negro home lacked definite "copies for imitation," and the American rural home, in the past at least, was particularly "hard" from the disciplinary standpoint (cf. § 16c).

In the economic labor ladder the peasant child rises from four-year-old goose- keeper to the six-year-old who takes care of the children; from this he advances to the 8-to-10-year-old cow-herd. From this time on begins the successive learning of the heavy tasks, so that at the age of fifteen to eighteen years he is already ripe for emigration . . . .In the last decades it is even nothing unusual to see twelve-year-old reaping-girls in the fields in summer along with the grown reapers, a labor which was formerly learned only by fourteen and sixteen-year-old children . . . . As a matter of fact the small peasant is not considered poor when he has many children, but only when they are very small or when he is entirely childless.[74]

f) Expressions like the Swiss Stinkahni, Pfuchahni, and even Pfuipluchahni, that is Pfuistinkurgrossvater, show the contempt in which the aged are held. The French farmers call the burdensome old father Monsieur vit toujours. The old people themselves often find this natural, as one old man said half jokingly of himself: "Such old men who arc no longer worth anything ought to be killed "[75]

Brothers .... are only too often enemies .... The proverb says .... "Though you have no other enemy, your mother has borne you one." A sister once asked her only brother: "Would you be glad if you had a brother?" "If a brother were a good thing, God would have one." .... Foster brothers met. One had a hole in his head. His foster brother asked, "Who made the hole in your head ?" "My brother." "Ah, that is why it is so deep!" These two sayings of course arc not to be taken as generalizations. Indeed, the Bulgarian proverb says .... Brothers also quarrel, but they remain bothers. [76]

(756)

g) The boy gang and the wayward girl may be studied from the standpoint of the home situation and by races.

The general fact is that children, especially boys after about their twelfth year, live in fellowships in which their sympathy, ambition, and honor M. engaged even more, often, than they are in the family. Most of us can recall examples of the endurance by boys of injustice and even cruelty, rather than appeal from their fellows to parents or teachers -- as, for instance, in the hazing so prevalent at schools, and so difficult, for this very reason, to repress.[77]

Of all the girls or parents interviewed I failed to find one instance where a girl had received instruction from any source. The limit of such teaching appears to have been such warnings or threats as, "If you get into trouble you need never come to this house again," or, "If you don't look out you will get into trouble," etc. These threats were given after waywardness had begun. These parents are unable to teach their children because of their own lack of right thinking on the subject. The attitude of most of the mothers is voiced in the reply of one more intelligent than most of those with whom I talked: "They don't need to be told, they learn about such things soon enough.[78]

§ 15. Associations and clubs. -- a) The family is based on the sexual association, and the bond of kinship may be regarded as primary in force, but everywhere men seek to associate themselves on an activity basis with kindred spirits. This finds its simplest expression in the gang of the boy, and in the secret society and man-group of the savage. Particular effort, indeed, is made to separate the adolescent boy from the mother-group, and the separation is marked by peculiar ceremonies. There are instances in Africa in which the boy is symbolically buried and resurrected into the men's club.

At the present time these voluntary associations standing between the family and the state are multiform, ranging from recreative interest to desperate seriousness - from the card club to the anarchistic society -- and satisfying in some cases different interests of the same person. These societies interest us as expressions of the consciousness of a group, as efforts to meet crisis and overcome the isolation due to race-prejudice or recent arrival, and as attempts to realize ideals foreign to the adopted or dominant group. Their aims may be conservative, as in the attempt to preserve the

(757) language and traditions of the group, or radical, as in the freethought and anarchistic agitations.

b) Ninety-five per cent of the Bohemians who come to America give their religion as Catholic, but on reaching here' freed from the restraints of their dual church and state govemment, they become went they call "free-thinkers," a non-religious organization holding practically none of the beliefs of the Catholic or Protestant church. This is for social, benevolent, and educational free-thinking, and is the greatest single element in their thought and life. In Chicago there are 27,000 Bohemians [out of a population of 150,000 paying 20 cents a year for the support of free-thinking schools, of which there are eighteen in the city. They meet all day Saturday and Sunday, and teach Bohemian language and history and the principles of free-thinking. [79]

In 1873 there were eleven peasant associations [in Posen] .... in 1880 I 20, each separate association founded by M. Jackowski himself, who throughout the whole year traveled about the country so that the peasants began to regard him as an omnipresent being. In his speeches and writings the one thought recurred with endless variations, that a people which had lost its national independence could find a hold only in the national spirit and that the national spirit would disappear if a social organization was lacking..... Every month the peasant association held its assembly, once a year the peasant associations of the whole district assembled, and every spring the great annual assembly of the Polish peasants took place in Posen. Politics was interdicted, but the care of the Polish national spirit was not considered as politics. Not to let the land fall into German hands, to protect themselves in common against measures of the Prussian government, this became the main task of the national organization.

Led exclusively by Poles, the association fostered agricultural economy, cared for the introduction of suitable agricultural methods, for the employment of modern implements, gave advice in cases of credit, and in questions of insurance methods The 13,000 peasants who belong to this association today form the kernel of the Polish "peasant republic" in Prussia.[80].

§ 16. Art and play. -- a) How men spend their leisure cannot be without significance.

The human mind is constructed on the "hunting pattern." The pursuit of game and the sexual quest are the most incitant stimulations to psychophysical activities, and fundamentally the only ones. The terms " pursuit," " game," " sport," are significant. Moreover, in the pursuit not only the end but the means become saturated with emotion. The construction of a poisoned arrow is

(758) anticipatory of the kill. Impediments or signs of success arouse hope, fear, jealousy, despair. Every failure is a form of death, every success a form of life. Nothing in which there is not a pursuit, with conflicting emotions of hope and fear, is interesting. Agriculture is not a typical "pursuit." division of labor introduces "irksomeness" because the end is not in view -- the operative does not control the whole process, bear the responsibility, nor share the reward. The form of pursuit may be transferred to the chessboard or the stage; there is rivalry, technique for control, success or failure. The death of another, as in a stage tragedy, reminds us that we are living -- a fact which may have escaped our attention. The ridicule cast on others magnifies ourselves. (Our friends are of course, psychologically speaking, a part of ourselves.) Tickling, swinging, alcohol represent the mechanical simulation of the high emotional states accompanying conflict.[81]

b) The primary function of art, as of recreation, is to rehearse situations of stress and strain in the humdrum intervals of life. But on account of its emotional associations art is a very contagious carrier of suggestion, of "copies," and may be so used. The arts and amusements of a people have, therefore, contrasted aspects and merits for our purpose; they represent the more instinctive and natural attitudes of mind, as divorced from occupational habits; they also represent unrealized ideals and national memories, and they are a good mirror of the mores of different races and classes. Indeed, differences in artistic standards and interests of the lower and higher classes of the same race are often very great, certainly as great as those characterizing races. The well-known abhorrence of the "classical " musician for "rag-time " is an instance of this.

The great populace of no society has ever found its amusement in purely intellectual suggestions. With us popular amusement is found in the circus, Negro minstrels, the variety show, opera bouffe, the spectacle, and ballet, and it attaches to parody and burlesque, "knock-down business," buffoonery, and broad allusion. Stupidity is always funny. Everything which breaks over the social taboo is funny. A violation of propriety, accidental disorder of the dress, grotesque postures, vulgar gestures of derision or defiance, blows, pain-

(759)-ful accidents and mishaps -- if not too serious -- deformations of the body (humpbacks), epithets and nicknames, slang and other abuses of language (like mispronunciation by foreigners), vituperation, caricature and burlesque of respectable types like the pedant, dandy, Puritan, imbecile, or the rich and great, always raise a laugh in the crowd. [82]

c) The austere element in the population, particularly the Baptists and Methodists, have opposed billiard- and pool-playing as sinful, and roller-skating and bowling as coarse and low amusements, and pleasures of physical activity in general as a "foolish waste of energy." These pleasures have been opposed not as pleasures of physical activity but as pleasures, and hence "unprofitable." Thus when a girl urged her need of physical exercise as a reason for her desiring to play golf, her father retorted: "If you want exercise, take a pail and go up to Hard Scrabble Hill and bring back six quarts of blackberries." Another reason for the opposition of the austere people is that, from its very nature, pleasure is not accompanied by that air of seriousness which is habitual with the austere type of character. Thus one parent said to his son whom he had refused to allow to attend the skating-rink: "I don't want you to do anything that I can't pray for your success in." Not until 1890 did pleasures of physical activity come to be regarded as compatible with religion. With the institution of a Y.M.C.A. in Blankville athletics were encouraged as a means of bringing boys under the influence of religious instruction, and incidentally of developing a little "muscular Christianity"; for it had been observed that a church member who was a good ball-player "exerted a stronger influence for good" than one who was not. [83]

d) The life-cycle of the peasant moved chiefly in two extremes, on the one hand the most complete abandonment to merrymaking often joined with wantonness, and on the other the extremely heavy labor which he had to perform for himself and for his lord. The boisterous merrymaking in the reeking atmosphere of the tavern and the dances carried on together with song to the tune of the village music until the very loss of consciousness (the men of that time did not yet understand how to dance without singing at the same time) .... served the peasant as recreation after the heavy labor of the week. [84]

e) What is the feminine ideal of beauty? The peasant often makes his opinion of the beauty of a girl unusually dependent upon her clothing, the most adorned is often considered the most beautiful. After that a generous figure is useful, and then finally a pretty, full face to strike the eye. Of more delicate girls they say in Thuringia: Die kann us der Fahrglisse gesuff, that is, she can drink out of the wagon-rut.[85]

(760)

f) In order to see itself, the Polish people has to look at the past, and there is scarcely a house where one will not find memorial pictures of the national martyrdom. The martyrology, which no other people possesses in so developed a form, is the political rosary of the Poles, which is prayed over unceasingly, and whose cruel beads each one hag often nHge~. In such wise for years sentimental men are ever anew raising their voices and warning the Polish people that they ought not entirely to give themselves up to the fashionable industrial organizations; for the trades unions and peasant associations have no Polish traditions, and for them the rosary has no prayer.[86]

§ 17. Magic and religion. -- a) Magic is a very picturesque field, but is everywhere uniform in pattern; it is as highly developed among savages as in central Europe. It works on the principle of analogy -- like produces like, there is a causal relation between resemblances. It may be said to show a logical mind working on wrong premises. The savage woman must not grease her body while the man is on the hunt, or the game will slip from him. The peasant bride steps on the foot of the groom during the marriage ceremony, and thus she will have him "under foot," or she places her hand uppermost when they join hands, and so will have the "upper hand." If a peasant boy wishes to marry a girl he pins his coat to her gown, and they will be "united." You may transfer toothache to a tree by rubbing the tooth with a rag, boring a hole in the tree, inserting the rag, and plugging the hole. It may be determined whether a child is legitimate or illegitimate by disinterring a bone of the father and dropping the child's blood on the bone. If the blood is absorbed the child is legitimate. Magic is brought into play especially in connection with the critical points in life --birth, courtship, marriage, sickness, death.

b)When the Serbian woman feels her heavy hour near, she begins to attend to all sorts of superstitious customs to insure herself an easy birth. As before her marriage, she unties all knots in her clothing. Now, however, she also unlooses all knots and braids in her hair. Through the bosom of her shirt, as in Bosnia, she throws an egg to the ground over a fire, and then tears the shirt from top to bottom. Sometimes the woman is drawn through a hoop which she herself has snapped off a barrel. Or a sack is turned wrong side out and the woman is given water to drink out of it. But it is of more avail to her when she drinks water out of her husband's shoes, for so, through superstitious means, a part of the task falls to her husband of giving her easing in that hour which she owes to him. He carries her around the room, saying: "I gave you the

(761)burden, and I will free you from it." Then he blows three times into her mouth, and she blows three times into his. Or the husband takes a weapon and fires a shot over the body of his wife, in order to spur the child to motion. The woman also blows hard into a reed, or drinks water out of her husband's mouth. Of she creeps between her husband's legs, while he strikes her on the "mall of the back with her. wedding dress; also if she is struck in the small of the back with a stick with which someone has freed a frog from a snake, the birth is easier. [87]

In Slavonia proper the bride receives .... two loaves of bread, one under each arm, and steps over a piece of linen, only not into the room, but into the kitchen. She carries the bread that there may never be a lack of bread in the house. In the kitchen she pokes up the hearth-fire and says softly: "May the cows calve, the horses have foals, the sows little pigs, the dogs young, the hens lay eggs, as numerous as the sparks here scattered from the fire." She omits only rodilo se, "may there be born," for by that she would be wishing herself as many children as there were sparks. Then she looks up into the chimney that her children may have black eyes, turns around the pail into which the drink for the pigs is emptied, that she may become as fat as a pig. Then she goes over to her father-in-law in the room (he has been sitting meanwhile near the hearth in the kitchen) and sits down in his lap. (In Strosince she sits in her mother-in- law's lap.) He hands her a child..... She hugs and kisses it, ties a kerchief about its neck, sets it down on the ground again and tells it to sit down in a corner and be very quiet that no wolf may fall upon the herds and kill the sheep. In some places she does not sit on her father-in-law's lap, but in an easy-chair. In other places she is given milk or honey to drink or, as in Syrmia, a piece of sugar is put in her mouth, that her talk may always be as sweet as milk and honey and that she may always live in sweet harmony with her husband. Then they put a sieve full of corn into her hand; she sifts a little and then throws a little to the fowls in the yard, as a sign that she is a good housekeeper. Occasionally they give the bride upon her entrance into the house a spinning-wheel and a spindle; she spins a little and then knocks with the spindle on all four walls of the room.[88]

When the wife does not wish to bear any more children, she shuts the door with the feet of the last-born child immediately after its birth.

If a wife does not wish to bear any more children for several years, she need only stick into the first bathing-water of her child as many fingers as the number of years she wishes to remain sterile, and then lick off her finger. [89]

c) Religion gives more than human authority to social regulations, and is an excellent carrier of suggestion. The formulation of belief also in a very definite body of doctrine and ritual and

(762) the iterated presentation of these inviolable copies to the attention of the whole people, has profound effect on mental attitudes. Mohammedanism, Hebraism, and Puritanism are instances of this.

Amongst Protestants the Bible has, in the last four hundred years? furnished a common stock of history and anecdote, and has also furnished phrases and current quotations familiar to all classes. It has furnished codes and standards which none dared to disavow, and the suggestion of which has been overpowering. [90]

While religion is associated with conservatism it may nevertheless lead to strange outbreaks and variants. In Russia in 1896 in the province of Tiraspol a nun taught the people that the census then under way was a device of Antichrist to seal the people for his own. To avoid the enumeration, twenty- five persons were voluntarily immured and perished.[91]

One sect is called bluntly, "child-killers"; they regard it as the holiest duty to send the new-born children to heaven, in order to spare them the burdens of this earthly, devil-ruled kingdom. In the sect of Feodosians, who teach, " The young man shall not let himself come near the girl, the married man shall not live with his wife, the girl shall accept no man, and the married woman shall have no children," among these fanatics, married people who have children are thrust out of the society unless they see to it that the new-born children are killed or buried alive as atonement for their sin. The human soul, so say the Feodosians, in the act of generation comes not from God, but from the devil.[92]

d) On account of its suggestive capacity religion may lend itself readily to manipulation (through the priest class). It may also contribute to the disorganization of habits. So in eastern Galicia where the double calendar is in use, according to which, as a rule, Roman as well as Greek-Catholic holidays are observed, and where countless indulgence and dedication days are added, there results an amazing number of holidays:

According to a report given in the seventieth year of the Lemberg agricultural-statistical bureau there appear

in 34 departments of Galicia 100-120
in 22 departments of Galicia 120-150
in 16 departments of Galicia 150-200

holidays.[93]

(763)

§ 18. Position of woman. -- a) The relation of woman to the cultural life of the group should be examined in connection with all the topics of our schedule. In general it may be said that on the lower levels of culture man has made a tool of her and on the higher an ornament. both forms of treatment may be classed as isolation, and the following illustrations are on this aspect of the question, showing that within the group woman may be treated somewhat as a lower race is treated by a higher. It is of course a different principle of isolation and can actually never be so complete as racial isolation because of inevitable contiguity, common interests, and sympathy. Moreover, so long as woman retains a connection with the occupations, as is the case among the peasants, she at least remains in the real world.

b) We are amazed at the brutality to which women are subjected and submit. But their natural disposition is in part responsible for this. Ellis records the remark of a woman before Ruben's " Rape of the Sabines ": " I think the Sabine women enjoyed being carried off in that way."

While in men it is possible to trace a tendency to inflict pain or the simulacrum of pain on the women they love, it is still easier to trace in women a delight in experiencing physical pain when indicted by a lover . . . . To abandon herself to her lover, to be able to rely on his physical strength and mental resourcefulness, to be swept out of herself and beyond the control of her own will .... is one of the commonest aspirations in a young woman's intimate love dreams. [94]

c) The idea, also, that marriage is a closer relation than kinship is of comparatively recent origin. Herodotus relates that when Darius gave to the wife of Intaphernes permission to claim the life of a single man of her kindred, she chose her brother, saying that both husband and children could be replaced.[95] The declaration also of Antigone in Sophocles that she would have performed for neither husband nor children the toil which she undertook for Polynices (lines 905 ff.) indicates that the tie of a common womb was stronger than the social tie of marriage. Among the south Slavs where there is a sort of persecution of the exhibition of sentiment between young married people, the girl may form a more open and cordial

(764) relation with the brothers of her husband than with himself. There is a legend that when a young wife was selected to be immured in the foundations of Scutari, she bade farewell to her brothers-in-law, and finally so far overcame her shame as to speak to her husband. [96]

d) [Among the south Slavs the women until recently did not sit with the men at table.] A few years ago I was a guest in the house of a peasant at Vrhovci near Pozega. In my honor a great platter of millet-pap cooked in milk was brought on. There were no plates. Each one dipped his wooden spoon into the platter. The domacica did not sit at the table with us, but stood three or four paces away with her spoon in her hand. As soon as her husband had dipped in, she was at the table in one bound, took a spoonful, sprang back again and sipped her millet from the spoon In Servia, the Crnagora, and the Bocca the wife must kiss the hand of every man whom she meets on the way, even though the man be younger than herself. On the other hand it would be an unheard-of humiliation for a man to kiss a woman's hand. So for example a young city man once asked a Crnogorac: "Did you ever kiss your wife's hand?" "I, no, may God not order me to do so!" "But why not?" "I took an oath that I would never kiss the hand of a woman or a Turk." .... A woman must never cut off a man's path, that is when he is going along, cross the path in front of him. She must wait until the man has passed. It not infrequently happens that the peasant punishes his wife when she transgresses this custom no less severely than if she had broken a law of the state. If a woman is sitting in front of a house and a man goes by and bids God greet her, the woman must stand up and thank him, no matter how busy she is with her works. [97]

e) "Every married man," says Vrcevic, "strikes his wife black and blue at least once a month, or spreads a box on the ear over her whole face, or else people are apt to say that he is afraid of his wife." Popular proverbs corroborate this, so for example: "He who does not beat his wife is no man." .... "Strike a wife and a snake on the head." The wife is placed on a level with the devil: "One devil is afraid of the cross, the other of a stick." The wife must make herself less noticeable than the house-dog: "The dog may howl, but the wife must hold her tongue." "He to whom a bad wile is allotted needs no (other) everlasting punishment." .... "Many a man finds a greater evil at home, than at war." [Of a faithless! but nevertheless beautiful wife it is said: "There is a snake, sunning itself." .... The proverb even says: "It is easier to guard a bag full of fleas than a faithless wife."[98]

(765)

In one wedding song the young wife begs her husband: "O my dear, my heart's love, do not strike your wife without cause, strike your wife only with good cause and when she has greatly vexed you." In another folk-song the young wife sings: "What sort of a consort are you to me, what sort of a husband? You do not pull my hair, nor do you strike me!" [99]

In December, 1903, Russian papers from Irkutsk reported that a peasant in the village of Petrowka had written the following letter to the chief of police of the district: "I have the honor, ever high-born Sir, humbly to beg you to have an announcement put in the paper, that in Petrowka a twenty-year-old woman, my wife, and two young pigs are for sale -- the whole for 25 rubles. The woman is very pretty and a capable housekeeper but quarrelsome and ill-tempered; the pigs are well fed and fat. If it is desired, I am ready to send the woman and the pigs C.O.D." When the chief of the district received this letter he went immediately to Petrowka, being of the opinion that the writer was not quite sane. But his doubts were entirely unfounded. The peasant was a very sensible man, and entirely normal. He explained that he must sel his wife because she was embittering his life. The district-chief had the woman called and asked her what she thought of her husband's plan. She was naturally not much edified by it, but found nothing strange in it.[100]

Following an original sense of decorum, the young wife who becomes a mother within the first year of her marriage is derided maliciously.[101]

Vrcevic relates: "It often happened that a pregnant woman, who had gone to the mountain to gather wood, was overtaken by her travail in the forest and acted as her own midwife without ceremony, and brought the naked child home in her apron. Indeed, a thing even more to be wondered at, she brought a load of wood also, for she would have been shamed before all the world to return home without wood."[102]

It cannot be denied that the treatment of women on the part of the men has lost much of its earlier roughness; the former ill-treatment of them by beating with wet rope .... as a result of household quarrels or of refusal to satisfy the sexual demands of the husband (often also for the sake of extorting a greater dowry from the father-in-law) does not occur so frequently as in former years. Nevertheless, in spite of the somewhat more refined attitude toward his wife, the peasant still regards her as a thing belonging to him, which was made in the first place for his service, for the performance of the household labor, and for the satisfaction of his sexual needs. The wife is always more or less spared according to the dowry she brings with her. [103]

(766)

f) In America the immigrant woman continues to be an object of exploitation, sometimes by the immigrant man:

In one case the notary understood that the marriage was for the purpose of obtaining the money of the intended wife. For $25 he offered to advise the girl to deed over the property to the husband at the time of marriage, which deed he would see executed. He then prescribed a course of ill-treatment, neglect, abuse, and compromise, which if followed would enable the notary public to assist the husband in obtaining a separation or divorce.[104]

g) One of the occasions for the manipulation of the immigrant girl in America arises in connection with her retention of the old mores in the new environment. Certain forms of conduct correct or tolerated from the standpoint of the home mores arc immoral in ours. It is, for instance, a widespread custom in peasant Europe to begin the marriage relation before the church ceremony. This gives rise to serious consequences in America, where the man takes advantage of the home custom, but deserts the girl -- a thing which would rarely happen in Europe on account of public opinion.

§ 19. Moral ideas. -- a) Our popular judgment of racial differences is based largely on the principles of behavior and the sentiments dominant in a people. Differences in this field are very great because the selective attention has emphasized different principles of control. The experiences of the group have not been identical, and various copies for imitation have arisen and become fixed in the mores. At least temporary success or distinction may be secured either by lying or truth-telling, politeness or rudeness, bragging or silence, selfishness or self-denial, labor or idleness, chastity or unchastity. The family and state may be based on the restraint of the individual or on his freedom.

The Roumanian is not brave, and according to the Roumanian idea one ought not to be brave, for bravery assumes a certain lack of prudence as well as physical strength; but he carries himself bravely if he falls into real difficulties, or has great cause to expose himself. Viteaz in Rumanian does not mean the same as vitez, heroic, in Hungarian: In Roumanian heroic in the serious and noble sense is viteaz la strimtorare, brave in necessity, when no other way remains open Ii someone falls into the water, he can call for help a long time, before he finds a Roumanian who will jump in after him, and if such a one does appear he is not praised by the Roumanians but called a

(767)fool. . . .If a house in a Roumanian village burns, they let it quietly burn down, and anyone who happens to be in a burning house must have the courage with God's help to save himself.[105]

b) A moment's reflection shows us that the practices in this field are matters of race experience rather than race endowment, and that differences in the moral attitudes of the same society at different points in its history are as great as can be found in different races at the same moment. Any department of morals if examined historically will show this. Dueling, for instance, is almost a memory in American society. But between 1601 and 1609, 2,000 men of noble birth fell in duels in France alone, and "there was scarce a Frenchman who had not killed his man in a duel." [106] As late as 1857 an American magazine contains a long eulogy of dueling from which the following is taken:

Who does not prefer the regulated duel to the brutal rencontre of the fist, or the bludgeon, or the bloody Bowie knife ? And who that possesses what our Washington claimed for himself, "the sensitiveness of a gentleman," would submit his cause to the farcical mockery of a resort to a law court in such cases? The shot fired by the vindictive Kentuckian, Marshall, in due form at the body of the libelous journalist, Webb, was worth an ass' load of statutes and a library of sermons.[107]

c) It is also obvious that moral attitudes -- the sense of personal dignity, honesty, bravery, chastity -- will be different in the different social levels of the same group. The gentleman and the peasant will react differently to an insult. The gentleman is forced to conform to the code which distinguishes his class. I suppose that no racial differences will be found greater than those which distinguished, say, the Polish noble and serf. In the period of bond service in Poland and Russia the ideas of the peasant with regard to dignity, labor, honesty, and veracity very much resembled those of the Negro in slavery.

Among themselves the peasants are not addicted to thieving, as is proved by the fact that they habitually leave their doors unlocked when the inmates of the house are working in the fields; but if the muzhik finds in the proprietor's farmyard a piece of iron or a bit of rope, or any of the little things that he constantly requires and has difficulty in obtaining he is very apt to pick it up

(768)and carry it home. Gathering firewood in the landlord's forest he does not consider as theft, because "God planted the trees and watered them," and in the time of serfage he was allowed to supply himself with firewood in this way.[108]

A Russian proverb says: "Our Christ himself would steal if his hands were not pierced." Emperor Alexander the First declared: "If my Russians only knew where to hide them, they would steal my battleships; if they could draw my teeth out in my sleep without waking me, they would do it."[109]

[The habit of stealing from the manorial property, which grew up in the period of serfdom] and which gave rise to proverbs -- among the nobles: " Every peasant is a thief," and among the peasants, " If you do not steal you will never have anything" -- is considered by the peasants as nothing bad or against their ethical sense. The peasant, who for centuries gave his labor to the landlord without sufficient recompense, and therefore fell into poverty, held himself in a certain measure entitled to take from the landlord's territory whatever he needed, if he could. This pertains above all to the older generation, although this attitude is still very strongly developed in the younger as well.[110]

d) The isolation of a people may result in the absence or weakness of certain moral notions.

Until the eighteenth century the Russian language had not a single word for honor Peter the Great himself had to make the conception of military honor clear to his generals.[111]

The moral enormities reported from certain Slavic communities are similarly the result of isolation, and resemble the toughness developed in our boy gangs.

I have seen a man in the street fall in an accident; the wagon breaks, the horses start up, he himself is injured, and although it happens in the middle of the village, everybody goes along without turning around. Drunken and raving wedding-parties drive their wagons over such an unfortunate and tread him to death. And there are certain heroes in every village who make a business of driving their wagons upon the passers-by and throwing them to the ground.[112]

e) A sudden elevation to a different status, and the imitation of the standards of the higher class, is accompanied, as in the case of

(769) the Negro and the peasant, with some moral breakdowns and some poses.

Formerly all peasants, friends or strangers, addressed each other with "ty" or if they were older in years by "wy" more and now this habit is falling more and more out of use; more and more often now we hear peasants who arc acquaintances but not friends addressing each other with Sir (Pan), as was the custom among the Polish nobility as early as the fifteenth end sixteenth centuries. This is also without doubt a sign of an increase in the feeling of personal dignity. The same thing is witnessed by the legal complaints, very frequent today but formerly quite unheard of, for insults to honor, in legal practice the so-called Pyskowki. This feeling, which is often falsely shown, has its source often in the overweening conceit and general vanity of the people, especially in dealings with strangers. The old apparent servility of the peasant, still largely existing but in a process of rapid decline, seems in many cases to go directly over into a certain haughtiness which is not infrequently observed, especially in the second generation after the bond-service period.[113]

The litigiousness of the Galician agricultural population, fostered by a flood of " dark existences," does much for the discredit of the other crown lands, and supplies another cause of their sad material condition. The number of petty cases (up to l00 crowns) amounted in Galicia between the years 1890 and 1901 to an average of 466,815, in rich Bohemia 138,356, in lower Austria with Vienna 128,846.[114]

f) The renunciation of dignity as a means of life appears among our indigent classes especially when in the presence of promiscuous charity, and may become characteristic of a community. The doctrine that almsgiving was a merit is responsible for the insistent character of beggary in strongly Catholic countries. Chronic poverty and recurrent famine have also contributed to make beggar- villages in Russia.

The great effect on the Russian morals derived from the profession of begging is clear when one discovers that the number of voluntary Russian beggars and beggar women amounts at least to a million In Akschenass, a village of 120 houses, when the begging craze began, only four families remained as guardians of the place. In the parish of Golizyn of three hundred householders, two hundred are wandering beggars.[115]

g) A part of the offense of immorality consists in its publicity, as giving rise to bad example. This is true to a degree everywhere, but sometimes a group formulates this view quite definitely.

(770) The first requirement which the Rumanian makes of every man is that he do not show himself up. According to his opinion, whoever does not let his vices be openly seen is always a man of good standing Whoever has merely stolen is not yet a thief, and whoever knows it but has no interest in the matter must keep still about it; indeed even the injured party himself must if possible deal with the their in private..... The same holds true of chickens, ducks, geese, lambs, and young pigs; if one steals a thing of that sort merely to make oneself a good dish, and is not caught, he finally brags about it after a few months. But if he is caught the thing he has stolen is hung about his neck, and they lead him along the street, drum the people together at every cross-road and proclaim his transgression, that everyone may guard against him in the future. If the injured party is a "foreigner," the thief who is led about in this way usually does not lose his good reputation.[116]

h) Moral ideas spread like fashions and are surrounded with "pathos." "Pathos is the glamor of sentiment which grows up around the pet notion of an age and protects it from criticism."[117] The home, the school, the law and the gospel, and the printed page set the copies. Epithets, phrases, ridicule, caricature are important parts of the apparatus of suggestion. "Scab," "mugwump," " mollycoddle," " the dignity of labor," " a living wage," " the full dinner pail," "industrial slavery," "white slavery," "liberty of speech," "American," "the People," "Wall Street,"[118] are some popular American phrases. It is important to determine what are the dominant moral tendencies in races and groups and what is the peculiar apparatus of suggestion.[119]

§ 20. Materials and methods of work. -- Materials for the interpretation of the mental life of a race may be assembled on three principles -- from personal observation, from undesigned, and from designed records.

(771)

In the first case it is desirable to live among the group, preferably in a family, and gradually get the context of the group life. The most common error is to accept particular cases as general. Be suspicious of striking cases; they may be as surprising to the people among whom they occur as they are to you. If you And they are rare record them so. Misunderstandings also arise as in all intercourse through incomplete communication (cf. § 3d) and through failure to understand particular conditions behind an incident. After leaving a most surly, suspicious, and uncommunicative Slovak village, I learned that one of its members was in hiding on account of a recent murder, and any intrusion was at the time unwelcome (cf. § 3d). Interviews may be regarded as a part of personal observation, but the ordinary inhabitant has a singular interest in misleading the outsider and putting a different face on things. Interviews in the main may be treated as a body of error to be used for purposes of comparison in future observation. But, among others, playground directors, settlement, charity, immigration-league, and Y.M.C.A. workers, judges, and superintendents of institutions, probation officers, editors, teachers, ministers, and physicians are in a position to give reliable data, and are often interested in doing so.

History, ethnology, and folk-lore are records by design, often not focused from our standpoint, but nevertheless the formal records.[120]

Among undesigned records are letters, diaries, newspapers, court, church, and club records, sermons, addresses, school curricula,

(772) and even handbills and almanacs. The letters, for instance, of the immigrant to his home people, and theirs to him, reveal life and mind in a very intimate way. Professor Tylor has insisted that mythology is a more reliable record than history because there can be no mistake about what it does represent, namely, a state of consciousness, and at least this much is true of the newspaper. If  two or more papers represent different interests and attitudes within the group, so much the better. The paper representing the interests of the peasant associations in Posen (§ 15b) is an example of what I have in mind; also Negro newspapers.

Make your records by cases as far as possible, that is, give instances rather than general descriptions. Quote your sources literally instead of paraphrasing them. Secure written statements instead of interviews, if possible. Always state the source of your information, and in case the source is panted matter use extreme care in recording the reference. Make and collect photographs.

§ 21. Questionnaire. -- As between the arrangements of topics in the foregoing "standpoint" (§ 1-19) and in the following questionnaire, the latter gives more emphasis to American conditions. The student in America may therefore work directly from the questionnaire, with reference to the standpoint, while the reverse order may recommend itself in Europe or Africa

1. What do the people think and talk about ? (§§ 4, 3b, e, f, 13).

2. Verbatim reports of discussion showing mental life, state of knowledge, and logical ability (from conversations, speeches, labor meetings, "freethought " discussions, sermons, etc.) (§§ 3, 4).

3. What books are known and read by everybody ? What books, newspapers, and magazines are in the house? Samples from these representing habitual mental interests (§§ 3, 4, 13).

4. What is drilled into the child in the home and the school, particularly in the parochial school or in any teaching organization peculiar to the group ? (§§ 7a, 14a, b).

5. Are the three classes clearly marked, and what is the mental life peculiar to these classes? (§§ 8c, 11b, c, d, f, 12a).

6. What changes in mental attitudes are taking place, and an they slow and unconscious or rapid and conscious ? (§ 4).

7. The prevalence of criticism, radicalism, dissent, and skepticism. What are the burning questions 7 (§§ 3b, 5a, b, 8b).

8. Proportion and relation within the group of the conservative and radical elements ? (§§ 6e, 16c).

(773)

9. Are the changes connected more with ideas (knowledge) or with sentiments ? (§ 7b).

10. What eminent personalities in the group ? From what class or calling ? What copies do they present ? (§§ 7g, h).

11. What mental attitudes are derived from. historical crises in the lift of the people? (e.g., examine Bohemian "free-thought" in connection with Hus and the anti-reformation, and Polish aristocratic attitudes [personal dignity, separateness, interest in art] in connection with their national vicissitudes) (§ 6).

12. Peculiar mental attitudes due to acceptance of American mores without abandoning those of the home country (§ 6i).

13. Do native Americans imitate any of the foreign mores ? (§§ 6d, 7d).

14. Locate individuals incorporated by adoption or otherwise in another race at an early age, preferably at birth (e.g., a Swede in an Irish family), and determine whether the psychic peculiarities become identical with those of the adopted group, e.g., would the Swede become Irish in "temperament"? (§7)

15. Are men or women more conservative ? What habits do men and what do women retain most tenaciously ? (§§ 5, 18g).

16. What races or groups tend to intermarry and what is the role of the mixed race, e.g., the mulatto? (§ 11).

17. What organizations for the propagation of ideas? (§ 15).

18. What special apparatus for suggestion? What "catchwords"? What pathos? (§ 19h).

19. Are there cases where the lower classes lead off and are imitated by the higher ? (§§ 6k, 7e, f).

20. Make a collection of proverbs representing the mental attitudes of the group (§§ 3i, 14f, 18e).

21. What mental aptitudes or gifts do the people show ? (§ 9a).

22. In America is the individual's development favored by remaining in his group or by separating himself from it ? Does this depend on the character of the group -- the degree of intelligence, freedom, or constraint in the home mores? (§§ 6, 7, 8, 12).

23. What is the characteristic occupational life ? (§ 12).

24. In case of the immigrant, is occupation in America determined by the home occupation? (§ 12).

25. Impediments to free entrance into the occupations and free movement in them, e.g., race-prejucice, defective technique (§§ 6j, 9, 12, 13).

26. What home technique does the immigrant bring which he can transfer to the occupations in America ? (§ 13).

27. Are any occupations selected as stepping-stones to others ? (§§ 12, 13).

28. Cases of individuals rising to the higher callings and frequency of this ?

29. For what callings do the different races show marked altitude ? (§§ 12, 13).

(773)

30. Is there a psychological differentiation of type due to occupation, i.e., how far is occupation responsible for mental attitudes, for intelligence and stupidity ? (§ 12a).

31. How far are occupational failures due to prejudice, and how far to pace ? (§§ 6j, k, 9)

32. Do economic conditions and occupational life determine Forms of thought and sentiment more in America than in Europe ?

33. Relation of women to the occupations, e.g., which races permit women to work away from the home, to go to night school, etc. (§§ 18, 12, 13).

34. By what agencies and through what forms of manipulation is the race exploited ? -- e.g., in labor, by priests, by higher classes, employment agencies, banks, notaries public, steamship agents, panderers, undertakers (§ 11).

35. To what forms of manipulation is the immigrant girl subjected in America? (§§ 18f, g, 11).

36. Is the child exploited by the parents, e.g., at what age does the child go to work? (§ 14e).

37. Is there hostility between children and parents, e.g., because the boy deserts the language and mores ? (§§ 6g, 14f, g).

38. Is the effect of home conditions apparent in the career of the boy or girl ? (§ 14a).

39. Does the boy reach a higher calling than his father? (§§ 12, 13).

40. Juvenile delinquency by races (§§ 14, 19).

41. Effect of the playground on the boy as breaking up racial attitudes, e.g., is erotism less marked in the youth in America than in Europe ? (§ 16).

42. What societies exist for carrying on social life ?--benevolent, fraternal, insurance, language, free-thought, debating, burial (§ 15).

43. What are the aesthetic peculiarities of races, on the side of endowment ? On the side of interest? (§ 16).

44. How does the group spend its leisure -- Sundays, evenings, holidays ? (§§ 7d, 16).

45. Do shorter working hours affect habits of life? how? (§§ 13, 15, 16, 3, etc.).

46. Study the church as an organization for social service or for manipulation (§§ 17c, d, 4c).

47. To what extent do its members lead a "double compartment" life, remaining in the church but organizing their lives on the basis of outside "copies" ? (§ 6i).

48. What distinctions do men seek and by what apparatus? (§ 19a).

49. What are the prevailing ideas of rights and duties? (§ 19a).

50. What moral sentiments are common to the group and what are particular to the three classes ? (§ 19c).

51. What differences between the professed ideals and the practices--what do they say, and what do they do ? (§ 19).

(775)

52. What marked pathos, e.g., in connection with language, religion, work, woman ? (§ 19h).

53. What do they bring to America, what do they lose, and what do they acquire ? (§§ 7, 19).

54. What characteristic moral breakdowns in connection with the problem of adjustment to American life ? (§§ 6h, 18g, 19e).

55. What moral lapses in America are due to the peculiar mores of the home country ? (§ 18g).

56. Forms of crime and vice peculiar to the group ? (§ 18a).

Questions 48-56 may be examined in connection with the following categories: Standards of manhood and womanhood, truthfulness, honesty, vanity, boastfulness, revenge, litigiousness, sympathy, self-sacrifice, respect for parents and the aged, politeness, gratitude, hospitality, acceptance of charity, beggary, drink, cleanliness, decency, suicide, crime, sex mores (incest, prostitution, abortion, infanticide).

57. Causes of immigration. Collect letters on this point. In what ways is the immigrant's life here influenced by his expectation to remain ? to return ? (§§ 6c, 10b, 11c).

58. Reaction of American conditions on Europe (§§ 6d, 7d, 10c, 19e).

Notes

  1. Boas, F., "The Mind of Primitive Man," Journal of American Folk-Lore, XIV, 1-11.
  2. Luschan, F. von, "Anthropological View of Race," in Spiller, Inter-Racial Problems, 14-15.
  3. Boas, F., "The Mind of Primitive Man," Journal of American Folk-Lore XIV, 1- 11.
  4. Tarde, G., The Laws of Imitation (tr. Parsons), 327.
  5. MacDonald, J., "Manners, Customs, Superstitions, and Religions of South African Tribes," Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XX, 113-40.
  6. Nelson, E. W., "The Eskimo of Behring Straits," Bureau of American Ethnology, XVIII, 437.
  7. Ibid., 422.
  8. Dewey, J., "Some Stages of Logical Thought," Philosophical Review, IX, 465-89.
  9. Petrie, W. M. F., "Race and Civilization," Report of the Smithsonian Institution for 1895, 597.
  10. Up from Slavery, 121.
  11. Elkin, W. B., "An Inquiry into the Causes of the Decrease of the Hawaiian People," American Journal of Sociology, VIII, 398-411.
  12. Von Luschan, "Anthropological View of Race," in Spiller, Inter-Racial Problems,14-15.
  13. Livingstone, D., Missionary Travels in South Africa, 36.
  14. Cf. Thomas, W. I., Source Book for Social Origins, 162; Ellis, A. B., The Yaruba- speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast of West Africa, passim; Holds, A. C., The Masai, passim; The Nandi, passim.
  15. Burton, R., Dahome, I, 196.
  16. Livingstone, D, Zambesi, 126.
  17. Thomas, W. I., Source Book for Social Origins, 17-18.
  18. James, W., The Will to Believe, 219.
  19. Velten, C., Schilderungen der Suaheli von Expeditionen von Wissmans, Dr Bumillers, Graf v. Gotzens, und Anderer.
  20. Schweinfurth, G., The Heart of Africa, 1, 492.
  21. Wilkins, W. J., Modern Hinduism, 195.
  22. Ibid, 205.
  23. Ibid., 389.
  24. Thomas, W. I., Sex and Society, 258-89.
  25. Sumner, W. G., Folkway, 469-70.
  26. Hupka, S. von, Ueber die Entwicklung der westgalizischen Dorfzustande, 275-79.
  27. Sumner, Folkways, 60.
  28. Thomas, Source Book, 21-22.
  29. Sumner, op. cit., 62.
  30. Von Hupka, op. cit., 329-31.
  31. Stanley, 11. M., The Congo, 1, 281.
  32. Wallace, D. M., Russia, 464.
  33. Von Hupka, Entwicklung der westgalizischen Dorfzustande, 190-93.
  34. Ibid., 379-83.
  35. Ibid., 168-69.
  36. Riis, J., and others, The Wayward Girl and the Church's Responsibility,
  37. Boas, F., The Mind of Primitive Man, 270-71.
  38. DuBois, W. E. B., The Philadelphia Negro, 241.
  39. Stone, A. H., Studies in the American Race Problem, 184.
  40. Washington, B., Working with the Hands, 135.
  41. Ames, E. S., "Social Consciousness," Psychological Bulletin, VIII, 407.
  42. Tarde, Laws of Imitation, 14.
  43. Ibid., 197.
  44. Von Hupka, Entwicklung der westgalizischen Dorfzustande, 379-83.
  45. Ibid., 379-83.
  46. Vierkandt, A., Die Stetigheit im Kulturwandel, 123.
  47. Folkways, 92.
  48. Cooley, C. H., Social Organization, 95.
  49. Von Hupka, Entwicklung der westgalizischen Dorfzustände, 383-99.
  50. Drew, The Refugee. 68.
  51. DuBois, The Philadelphia Negro, 343.
  52. Ibid., 326.
  53. Ibid., 325.
  54. Race Adjustment, 40.
  55. Caro, L., Auswanderung und Auswanderungspolitik in Oesterreich, 53-57.
  56. Bernhard, L., Die Polenfrage, 556-57.
  57. DuBois, The Philadelphia Negro, 174.
  58. Politics, I, 2, 7.
  59. Von Hupka, Enhwicklung der westgalizischen Dorfzustande, 56-60.
  60. Von Hupka, op. cit., 71-79.
  61. Ibid., 373-75.
  62. DuBois, The Philadelphia Negro, 177.
  63. Dewey, J., "Interpretation of Savage Mind," Psychological Review, IX, 217-30.
  64. DuBois, op. cit., 116-17.
  65. DuBois, op. cit., 114-15.
  66. Von Hupka, Entwicklung der westgalizaschen Dorfzustande, 388 99.
  67. Globus, LXXX, 198.
  68. Lanin,, Russian Characteristics, 21.
  69. Von Hupka, op. cit., 435.
  70. Cooley, Social Organization, 23-24.
  71. Krauss, F. S., Sitte und Brauch der Sudslaven, 103.
  72. Simkhowitsch, W. C., Die Feldgemeinschaft in Russland, 364.
  73. Ibid., note.
  74. Von Hupka, Entwicklung der westgalizischen Dorfzustande, 368-71.
  75. Meyer, Deutsche Volkskunde, 183-85.
  76. Krauss, Sitte und Brauch der Sudslaven, 620.
  77. Cooley, Social Organization, 24.
  78. Riis and others, The Wayward Girl and the Church's Responsibility, 28.
  79. Communicated by Miller, H. A., from unpublished notes.
  80. Bernhard, Die Polenfrage, 92-97.
  81. Cf. Dewey, J., "Interpretation of Savage Mind," Psychological Review, IX, 217-30; Thomas, W. I., "The Gaming Instinct," American Journal of Sociology, VI, 750-763.
  82. Sumner, Folkways, 272-73.
  83. Williams, An American Town, 120.
  84. Von Hupka, Entwicklung der westgalizischen Dorfzustande, 71-79.
  85. Meyer, Deutsche Volkskunde, 152-158.
  86. Bernhard, Die Polenfrage, 197.
  87. Hovorka and Kronfeld, Vergleichende Volksmedizin, II, 571.
  88. Krauss, Sitte und Branch der Sudslaven, 398.
  89. Ibid., 546-47.
  90. Sumner, Folkways, 174.
  91. Bechterew, W. von, Die Bedeutung der Suggestion im socialen Leben, 46-51.
  92. Stern, B., Geschichte der offentlichen Sittlichkeit in Russland, I, 248.
  93. Caro, Auswanderung und Auswanderungspolitik in Oesterreich, 53-57.
  94. Ellis, H., Studies in the Psychology of Sex, 74-75.
  95. Herodotus (Rawlinson), I, 173.
  96. Rhamm, K., "Der Verkehr der Geschlechter unter den Slaven in Seinen gegensatzlichen Erscheinungen," Globus, LXXXII, 103-8.
  97. Krauss, Sitte und Brauch der Sudslaven, 501.
  98. Ibid., 94, 510.
  99. Stern, Geschichte der offentlichen Sittlichkeit in Russland, II, 293.
  100. Ibid., II, 346.
  101. Stefanovic, T., Die Serben, 362.
  102. Krauss, op. cit., 537.
  103. Von Hupka, Entwicklung der westgalizischen Dorfzustande, 368 -71.
  104. Kellor, Frances E., Notaries Public and Immigrants, 21.
  105. Slavici, J., Die Rumanen, 140-50.
  106. Cf. Westermarck, E., Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas, I, 508.
  107. Russell's Magazine, 1, 137, May, 1857.
  108. Wallace, Russia, 458.
  109. Stern, Geschichte der offentlichen Sittlechkeit in Russland, I, 272
  110. Von Hupka, Entwicklung der westgalizashen Dorfzustande, 71-79.
  111. Stern, op. cit., I, 259.
  112. Rhamm, K., "Der Verkehr der Geschlechter unter den Slaven In seinen gegensatzlichen Erscheinungen," Globus, LXXXII, 103-8.
  113. Von Hupka, op. cit., 161-162.
  114. Caro, Auswanderung und Auswanderungspolitik in Oesterreich, 53-57.
  115. Stern, op. cit., 1, 331.
  116. Slavici, Die Rumanen, 173-82.
  117. Sumner, Folkways, 180.
  118. Cf. ibid., 173-84.
  119. With some modifications the foregoing sectional headings may be used as a basis for the classification of materials. I think the following will be found adequate: O. Bibliography; 1, Physical characters (including birth-rate, race- crossing, maladies insanity); 2, Mental faculties (acuity of sense, memory, abstraction, inhibition curiosity, logic, discussion, temperament, proverbs, imagination, folk-lore, humor), 3, Attention; 4, Habit; 5, Crisis (pace); 6, Imitation (great men, invention); 7, Isolation; 8, Race-prejudice; 9, Economic conditions; 10, Classes (manipulations); 11, Occupations; 12, State of knowledge; 13, Family, community, and gang; 14, Organization (clubs, societies); 15, Art and play; 16, Magic and religion; 17 Position of woman (sex mores); 18, Moral ideas as enumerated, § 21:56.
  120. I do not go into the question of bibliography here. Some good books on Europe are referred to above, e.g., Meyer ( § 14f), von Hupka (§ 4c), Bernhard ( § 10b), Krauss (§ 14c) Simkhowitsch (§ 14c). Good books on the Negro in America are: Fleming, W. L., Documentary History of Reconstruction; Phillips, U. B., Plantation and Frontier; Stone, A. H., Studies in the American Race Problem; DuBois (above, § 6h). On the Negro in West Africa: Bennett, R. E., At the Back of the Black Man's Mind; Ellis, A. B., (1) The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast of Africa, West Africa, (2) The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast of West Africa, (3) The Yoruba-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast of West Africa; Johnston, H. H., Liberia; Overbergh, C. van, Collection de monographies ethnographiques (8 vols. to date) My Source Book (above § 3i) contains a bibliography on Africa, and the Library of Congress publishes A Select List of References on the Negro Question (in America) and A List of Books on the immigrant, both by A. P. C. Griffin. Balch, Emily G., Our Slavic Fellow Citizens, has a bibliography of the Slav in Europe and America, 483-512.

Valid HTML 4.01 Strict Valid CSS2